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Full text of "The great probability of a North West Passage: deduced from observations on the letter of Admiral de Fonte, who sailed from the Callao of Lima on the discovery of a communication between the South Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. Proving the authenticity of the Admiral's letter"

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Howard N. Eavenson 



OP P, 






Printed for THOMAS JEFFERYS, at Chai-ingCrofs. 



O F A 




O N T H E ," 

Letter of Admiral DE FONTE, 

Who failed from the Callao of Lima on the Difcovery of a Communication 



And to intercept fome Navigators from Bo/Ion in New England, whom he met with. 
Then in Search of a NORTH WEST PASSAGE. 


AUTHENTICITY of the Admiral's LETTER. 

With Tiiree Explanatory MAPS. 

ift. A Copy of an authentic Spanijh Map o^ America, publifhed in 1608. 

zd. The Difcoverles made in Hud/on'i Bay, by Capt. Smith, in 1746 and 1747. 

3d. A General Map of the Difcoveries of Admiral deFonte. 

By THOMAS JEFFERYS, Geographer to the King. 



Containing the Account of a Difcovery of Fart of the Coaft and Inland 
Country of LABRADOR, made in 1753. 

The Whole intended for 

The Advancement of TRADE and COMMERCE. 


Printed for T H O M A S J E F F E R Y S, at Charing Crofs. 

Wch L.'ngiludi- from the "M. 



O F A 




ON THE pi. 

Letter of Admiral DE FONTE, 

Who failed from the Callao of Lima on the Difcovery of a Communication 



And to intercept fome Navigators from Bojion in Nezv England, whom he met with. 
Then in Search of a NORTH WEST PASSAGE. 


AUTHENTICITY of the Admiral's LETTER. 

With Three Explanatory MAPS. 

ift. A Copy of an authentic Spanijh Map i^^ America, publlfhed in 1608. 

2d. The Difcoveries made in Hudfon'% Bay, by Capt. Smith, in 174-6 and 1747. 

3d. A General Map of the Difcoveries of Admiral deFonte. 

By THOMAS JEFFERYS, Geographer to the King. 



Containing the Account of a Difcovery of Part of the Coaft and Inland 
Country of LABRADOR, made in i 'jP)'},. 

The Whole intended for 

The Advancement of TRADE and COMMERCE. 


Printed for THOMAS JEFFERYS, at Charing Crofs. 







&>€, &>€. &C. 




TH E Difcovery of a North-weft PafTage having 
defcrved the particular Attention of that great 
Minifter of State Sir Francis Waljinghajn^ with the Ap- 
|)robation of the greateft Princefs of that Age, I pre- 
fumed to aflc the Permiftion to infcribe the followinor 


Sheets, on the fame Subjedl, to your Lordftiip, wrote 
with no View of fetting any further Expeditions on Foot, 
or with refpedl to any particular Syftem, but as a can- 
did and impartial Enquiry, to fhew the great Probabi- 
lity there is of a North- weft Paflage. The Importance 
of the Subjed, treated with the greateft Regard to 
Truth, are the only Pretenftons I have to merit your 

Your Lordftiip will appear, to the lateft Pofterity, in 
the amiable Light of being zealous for the Glory of his 
Majefty, the Honour of the Nation, for promoting the 
commercial Interefts, the Happinefs of his Majefty 's 

a Subjeds 

( vi ) 

Subjeds in general, and of thofe in America in parti- 
cular. I therefore have the moft grateful Senfe of your 
Benevolence and Humanity in condefcending to grant 
me this Favour, as it will be known for Part of that 
Time that I had the Honour to be 






THE Opinion of there being a North- weft Paflage between 
the Atlantic and Southern Ocean hath continued for more 
than two Centuries i and though the Attempts made to difcover 
this PaiTage have not been attended with the defired Succefs, yet 
in Confequence of fuch Attempts great Advantages have been re- 
ceived, not by the Merchant only but by the Men of Science. It 
muft be a Satisfaftion to the Adventurer, though difappointed 
in his principal Defign, that his Labours have contributed to the 
Improvement of Science, and the Advancement of Commerce. 

There was a Generofity with refped to the Difcovery of a 
North-weft Paftage, or a Refped to the great Abilities of thofe 
who promoted the various Undertakings for making fuch Dif- 
covery, to the Crown which patronized them, and the Eftates 
'of the Kingdom who promifed a moft munificent Reward to fuch 
who ftiould compleat fuch Difcovery, that thofe who were of a 
contrary Opinion treated the Subjedl with a becoming Decency. 
But the Cenfures that have been of late made by our Country- 
men, and more particularly by Foreigners, our Anceftors have 
been treated as fo many Fools, or infatuated Perfons, bulied to 
compleat an impradiicable and a meerly chimerical Projed, and 
are accufed by a foreign Geographer to have proceeded fo far as 
to forge a fiditious Account under the Title of a Letter of Ad- 
miral de Fonte. That the Iniquity of the E?iglifi Writers is not 
fuch (neither was ever known to be fuch) nor, was it in their 
Inclination, could they fo eafily deceive the World; and the 

a 2 Faldiood 

( viii ) 

Falfhood of this Aflertlon could be no otlierway made apparent 
fhan by confidering fuch Letter with a iuft Criticifm, and exa- 
mining the Circumftances relating thereto. Though the prefent 
Age may not pay much Regard to thefe Cenfures, yet if they are 
palled unnoticed, might hereafter be confidered as Truths unan- 
fwerable at the Time thofe Cenfures were made. Therefore to 
do Juftice to the Charadler of our Anceftors, to the prefent Age 
in which fuch great Encouragement hath been given to thefe Un- 
dertakings, and tliat Poflerity might not be deceived, were Mo- 
tives ^had they been duly confidered without a Regard to the 
Importance of the SubjetTt) wliich might incite an abler Pen to 
have undertaken to vindicate the Authenticity of ^e Fcnte's Letter. 
As for a long Time nothing of this Kind appeared, nor could I 
hear that any Thing was undertaken of this Sort, by any Perfon 
to whom I could freely communicate my Sentiments, and the In- 
formations which I had colleded on this Subjedt, as theDifcovery 
of a North-weft Paffage hath been the Object of my Attention 
for fome Years, confidered myfelf under the difagreeable Necef- 
fity of becoming an Author in an Age of fuch refined Sentiments, 
exprefled in the greateft Purity of Language : But if 1 have fuc- 
ceeded in the greater Matters, I hope to be excufed in the leffer. 

1 have inferted the Letter of Je Fo?ife, as firft publifhed in the 
Monthly Mifcellany^ or Memoirs of the Curious, in y^pril and June 
1708, very fcarce or in very few Hands; not only as I thought it 
confiftent with my Work, but that the Curious would be glad 
to have a Copy of fuch Letter exadly in the fame Manner in 
which it was firft publifhed, to keep in their Colle(S;ions. 

As to the Obfervations refpedting the Circumftances of the 
Letter of ^1? Fonte, the Manner by which it was attained, its being 
a Copy of fuch Letter which the Editors procured to be tran- 
flated from the Spantflo, and as to fuch Matters as are to be col- 
leded from the Title of fuch Letter, and from the Letter in Sup- 

( ix ) 

port of its Authenticity, I fubmit thofe Obfervations to fuperior 
Judgments : If confuted, and it appears I have mifapprehended 
the Matter, am not tenacious of my Opinion, but fhall receive 
the Convidion with Pleafure, being entirely confiftent with my 
Defign, which is, That the Truth may be- difcovered, whether 
this Account is autheiitick or not. 

In my Remarks of the Letter I have endeavoured to diflinguifh 
what was genuine, from what hath been fince added by otlter 
Hands j have made- an exadt Calculation of the Courfes j havfe 
confidered the Circumftances of fuch Letter, giving the Reafons 
of the Condudl that was ufed in the various Parts of the Voyage, 
and (liewingthe Regularity and Confiftency there is through the 
Whole, and without Anachronifms or Contradidtions as hath been 
objeded, part of which I was the better enabled to do from fome 
Experience which I have had in Affairs of this Sort. I mud ob- 
ferve, the Calculations were made without any Regard had to the 
Situation oi Hudfon's or Baffin's. Bay ; but begun at the Callao of 
Lhnay and purfued as the Account diredls from the Weftward : 
And it was an agreeable Surprize to find what an Agreement there 
was as to the Parts which, by fuch Courfes, it appeared that the 
Admiral and his Captain were in, confident with the Purpofe they 
were fent on, and the Proximity of where they, were to Hudfons 
znd Baffin's Bay. 

To flate particularly all the Objections which have been made " 
to this Account, 1 thought would have greatly increafed the Bulk 
of the Work. There is no material Objedlion which I have any 
where met with, but is here confidered. Alfo to have added all 
the Authorities which I have colledled and made Ufe of, would. 
have made it more proKx ; fo have contented myfelf with only 
giving fuch Quotations as appeared abfolutely necefTary to infert? • 
and then to mention the Authors particularly. I think I have 
not perverted the Meaning, or forced the Senfe, of any Author 
made Ufe of, to ferve my Purpofe. 


( X ) 

To iliew the Probability of a PafTage, have traced tlie Opi- 
nions relating to it from the Time fuch Opinions were firfl: re- 
ceived ; and alfo determined where it was always fuppofed to be or 
in what Part fuch Paflage was : Have confidered the various Evi- 
dence that there is relating to fuch Paflage ; and propofed what 
appears to be the propereft Method at prefent for profccuting 
the Difcovery. 

There are three Maps, all of which appeared neceflary for the 
better underftanding this Account. The one contains Part of 
AJia and the RuJ/ian Difcoveries on the Coaft oi Ainerica ; the Ex- 
pedition of de Fonte, and clears up that feeming Inconfiftency of 
the Tartai'ian and Southern Ocean being contiguous in that Part 
of America, from the Authority of the Japaiiefe Map of Kempfer, 
which muft be of fome Repute, as it is fo agreeable to the Ruf- 
fian Difcoveries : If true in that Part, there is no Reafon to fup- 
pofe but it is in ll';e Manner true as to the other Part which is 
introduced into this Map. This Map exhibits the S freight that 
de Fiica went up, the Communication which there may be fup- 
pofed agreeable to the Lights which the Accounts afford us be- 
tween the Sea at the Back of Hudfons Bay with that Bay, or with 
the North Sea by Hudfo?is Streights, or through CianberlandlHes. 
There is alfo added a fecond Map, to fhew what Expediations 
may be had of a Paflage from Hucijh?{s Bay, according to the Dif- 
coveries made in the Year 1747. The third Map is an exact Copy 
from that publifhed in the Momirqiiia Indiana de T'orquemada, in 
which the Sea Coaft o^ America is exhibited in a different Manner 
from what it ufually was in the Maps of that lime, compleated 
by the Cofmographers oi Philip the Third. The Work itfelf is 
in few Hands, and the Map, as far as appears, hath been only 
publilhed in that Book, is now again publiflied, as it illu- 
llrates this Work, and may be otherwife agreeable to the Curious; 
having a Defire not to omit any Thing which would render the 
Work compleat, or that would be acceptable to thePublick. 

4 I have 

( xl ) • 

I have ufecf uncommon Pains to be informed as to what could 
be any way ferviceable to render this Work more compleat; and' 
muft make this publick Acknowledgement, as to the Gentlemen 
of the Britijh Mtifeam, who, with great Politenefs and Affability, 
gave me all the AfTiftances in their Power to find if the Copy 
from which the Tranflation was made was in their Poffeflion, 
which after an accurate Search for fome Weeks it did not appear 
to be, and alfo their Affiftance as to any other Matters which I 
&ppofed would be of Service. I cannot pafs by Mr. Jefferyis 
Care and Exadnefs in executing the Maps, whofe Care and Fi- 
delity to the Publick not to impofe any Thing that is fpurious, 
but what he hath an apparent and real Authority for, is perhaps 
not fufficiently known. 

The Voyage, an Extradl: from which is added by Way of Ap- 
pendix, was majde from Philadelphia, in a Schooner of about fixty 
Tons, and fifteen Perfons aboard, fitted out on a Subfcription of 
the Merchants of Maryland, Pennfyhania, New Tork, and Bojlon, 
on a generous Plan, agreeable to Px-opofals made them, with no 
View of any Monopoly which they oppofed, not to interfere with 
the Hiidfon's Bay Trade, or to carry on a clandeftine Trade with 
the Natives of Greenland, but to difcover a North-weft Paffage, 
and explore the Labrador Coaft, at that Time fuppofed to be 
locked up under a pretended Right, and not frequented by the 
Subjefts o^ England, but a fuccefsful Trade carried on by the 
French; to open a Trade there, to improve the Fifhery and the 
Whaling on thefe Coafts, cultivate a Friendfhip with the Natives, 
and make them fervrceable in a political Way : Which Defign 
of theirs of a publick Nature, open and generous, was in a great- 
Mealure defeated by private Ferfons interfering, whofe Views 
were more contracfted. 

They did not fucceed the firft Year as to their Attempt in dif- 
eovering a North-weft PafTagCj as it was a great Year for Ice; 


( xll ) 

that It would be late in the Year before the Weflern Part of i7?/7- 
fQn\ Bay could be attained to, and then impoffible to explore the 
Labrador that Year, therefore the firfl: Part of the Defign was 
dropped, and the Labrador was explored. The next Year a fe- 
cond Attempt was made as to a Paffage ; but three of the People 
who went beyond the Place appointed by their Orders, and in- 
advertently to look for a Mine, Samples of which had been car- 
ried home the Year before, and tliis at the Iniiigation of a pri- 
vate Perfon before they fet out from home, without the Privity of 
the Commander, were killed by the EJkemaux, and the Boat taken 
from them. After which Accident, with fome difagreeable Cir- 
CLimflances confequent thereon amongfi: the Schooner's Company, 
and after an Experiment made of their Difinclination to proceed 
on any further Difcovery, it was thought moft prudent to return. 
This fliort Account is given by the Perfon who commanded in 
this Affair, to prevent any Mifreprefentation hereafter of what 
yi/as done on thefe Voyages. 



LETTER of Admiral de Fotite as publiflied in April 1708 - i 
, June - -6 

OBSERY AT 101<!S on the Tiile affixedy &:c. - - 11 

The Reafon of this Work. 

The Trandation made from a Copy of the Letter. Title and the 
Copy of the Letter wrote in the Spanijb Language. 

Copieft afTured theix was fuch an Expedition as this of Admiral de 
Fonte . - - - - - - -12 

An Account of this Expedition not publilhed in Spain. 

The Confequence of fuch Expedition not being publifhed - - 14 

The Knowledge or Certainty of this Expedition from Journals only 1 5 

Monf de Lifle his Account of a Journal. 

This Account by Monf. de Lijle defended - - - ^ 7 

This Tranflation of de Fonte's Letter how confidered when firft pub- 

Don Francifco Seyxas y Lovera his Account of a Voyage of Thomas 
Peche - - - - - - - 18 

Obfervations on that Account - - - - " ^9 

The Tradition of there being a Paflage between the Atlantic and 
Southern Ocean credible - - - - - 20 

Accounts received from various Perfons relating thereto not to be 

Indians^ their Account of the Situation of fuch Streight how to be 
confidered - - - - - - -21 

The Reafons why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to 
the original Letter of ^^ FcK/d' - - - - 22 

Evidence relating to this Account of de Fonte, which Diftance of 
Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains - - 24 

No authenticated Account of the Equipment of the Fleet to be ex- 
pelled from New Spain - - - - - 25 

b This 

( si^ ) 


This Account of di Fcr.ti aucKennck, and no Forgery. 

The Edirors pubiiihed this Acccunc 2= auchendck - -2.6 

The Refecdoa tiiax this Accoimc is a Forgery or" fome Englijlrman 
obviaied - - - - - - "^7 

T'.'.r Deuati in publiibing this Tranilztion. 

The Purpoie of de Feme's wridiig this Letter not underftood by the 
Editors - - - - - - -z8 

The Editors nnjiiftiy reproached vrith a Want of Integrity. 

The Cenfares as to the Inauthendcity of this Account of de 
not founded on Facb. 

Invalidity of the Objection that no Original iiath been produced. 

The Sufpicion of the Account being a Deceit or Forgery from 

The original Letter was Ln the SpaniS} Language - ' '^9 

Obferradons as to the Name Ba-'tcckmev: di Fcnte - " 3° 

Di Fczte vras a Man of Family - - - - 3 ^ 

The ^iar.ll- Marine not in fo low a Ccndirion as they were under a 
Necefiity to apply to PcTiugal for Sea OScers to fupply the prin- 
cipal Polls. 

Wiiat is to be underftood aidi F:n'.e being Preilient of CbiU. - 31 

REM A R K S en tli Letter cf Admiral de Fonte. 
The Advice of the Attempt from BofioTt^ in what ^Manner traniinit- 

zei iiom Cid Spal/s to the Viceroys. 
The Appeiiadon of Lnduilrioas Navigators conformable to the Cha- 

ra5:ers of the Perfons concerned. 
The Ccurt of Sj;aiK knew that the Atten:pt was to be by Hud/m's 

This Attempt pardculzrly corr .mandsd die Attrr.tlQn of the Court 

of Spain - - - - - " "34 

As to the Computadcn by the Years of the Reign of King Charles. 
The Tltjcs mendoned in the Letter do not refer tD the Tinges the 

Voyage was iet out on 
There was fufidcnt Tin:^ to equip the four Ship-s - -35 

How d-e De£gn of tids Atte— pt rrdght come to t-he Knowledge of 

tr.e Court of Etein. 
Reafons why both Viceroys fhould be infoi-med - z -3^ 


( XV ) 


De FoHte received his Orders from Old Spain, 
Wrote his Letter to the Court of Spa:a. 

Ds Fonie and the ^'ice^oys did nor receive their Orders from the 
fame Peribns - - - - - - "^1 

What is the Purpofe of the intnxiuctory Part of this Letter. 
The Names of the Ships agreeable to the Spanijh MaTxaer. 

From Callao to Sr. Helena. 
Obfervations as to the Computadon of Couric and Diitance in the 

Voyage of de Fonte - - - - - "S^ 

From whence d; Fcnti takes his Deparnare. 
As to the Diftance between the CaU-Q of Uma and i"*. Hz^tij, no 

Fault in the Impreffion. 
An Accoiint of the Latitude and Longitude made U;'e o£, which 

agrees with de FcKte's Voyage. 
Remarks as to the ExpreCion, anchored in the Port of Si. HdtTia 

within the Cape - - - - - "39 

An Interpolation of what is not in the ori^al Letter. 
Obfervations as to the raking the Betumen aboard. 
An Error as to Larirude correfted - - - - 4^ 

An Error as to the CtKine correfbed. 

Frcrs St. Helena /* ibe River St. Jago. 
Obfervations as to dt Fsr.te taking Irefti Provifion aboard at the Ri- 
ver St. Jago - _ _ . - - 41 
A Comment or fpuriotis Interpolation. 
The Courfe di Fcr.t; failed fttHn the River Si, Ja*o, 

Frcm St. Jago io Realejo. 
A Proof that GloCes and Comments have been added to the original 

Text . - _ . - - - 4; 

The Latitude not mentioned in the original Letter of df Fsxfs. 
The Times that de Fensi is failing between the refpeai\Te Ports ironi 

the Catlao to Realeja no ObjeSion to the Audienticiry of this 

Boats provided for de Ftnte before he arrived at Riokjo - - 43 

b ; F'-:^ 

C '^^i ) 


From Realejo to ih'e Port !?/Salagua. 

Obfervations as to the Iflands of Chia-metla. 

Port of Saiagua. 

. Marter and Mariners - ■ - - 44 

An Interpolation cr Comment added. 

The Tranflator not exacl as to his Tranflation. 

Remark as to the Information de Fonte received as to the Tide at 
the Head of the Bay of California - - - ~ 45 

Penneloffa appointed to difcover whether California was an Ifland. 

The Account given of Pennelofja, as to his Defcent, not in the ori- 
ginal Letter. 

From the Port (7/Salagua to the Archipelagus of S,t. Laza- 
rus and BJio Los Reyes.. 

De Fo7ite leaves Penneloffa within the Shoals oi Chiametla - - - 46 

Courfe correfted. 

Remark as to Cape Abel. 

• as to the Weather and the Time he was running eight Hun- 
dred and fixty Leagues - - - - "47 

A Negledt as to inferring a Courfe. 

Computation of Longitude altered - - - - 4S 

The Courfe de Fonte fteered, he accounts as to the Land being in a 
Latitude and Longitude agreeable to the late Ruffian Difcoveries. 
Acts with great Judgment as a Seaman. 

The Agreement of the Table of Latitude and Longitude with the 
Ruffian Dilcoveries. And the Suefia del Efirech D'Anian not laid 
down on a vague Calculation - - - - 49 

former Authorities for it. 

So named by the Spaniards. 

A fuperior Entrance to that of Martin Agtiilar and of de Fuca. 

The Archipelago of St. Lazarus., properly fo named by de Fonte. 

A North-eaft Part of the South Sea that de Fonte pafTed up - - 50 

His Inftruftions were to fall in with the Iflands which formed the 
Archipelago., and not the main Land. 

PJo los Reyes, in what Longitude. 

A further Proof that his Courfe was to the Eaftvvard - -5^ 



( xvJi ) 

Proceedings of Admiral de Fonte after his Arrival at Rio 
de los Reyes. 
The Tranflation very inaccurate in this Part. 
The Date of the 2 2d oi June an Error. 

De Fonte difpatches one of his Captains to Bernarda with Orders. 
Jefuits had been in thofe Parts, from whofe Accounts the Inftruc- 

tions were formed - - . _ . 

Remarks as to the Orders fent Bernarda. 

De Fonte fails up Rio de los Reyes. 
De Fonte fets out on his Part of the Expedition 
Was at the Entrance of Los Reyes the 14th oi June. 
Obferved the Tides in Los Reyes and Haro. 
Precaution to be ufed in going up the River. 
An additional Note as to the Jefuits. 
Obfervations as to the Jefuits. 
Kne^y not of a Streight - _ „ 

Could not pubiifh tlieir Million without Leave. 


- 53 

- 54r: 

De Fonte arrives at ConoiTet. 

Receives a Letter from Bernarda dated 27th of June - - rr 

The 22d of June was not the Time Bernarda received his Difpatches. 

The Letter is an Anfwer to the Difpatches he received from deFante^ , 

Remarks on the Letter. 

Alters the Courfe direfted by de Fonte. 

AlTures de Fonte he will do what was poffible, and is under no Ap- 
prehenfion as to a Want of Provifions - - - .--T 

The Name of //«ri7, and of the Lake Velafcc, a particular Compli- 

This Letter of de Fonte wrote in Spatjifi. 

Defcriptjon of Rio de los Reyes and Lake Belle. 
D^ Fo«/^ not inaftive from the 14th to the 2 2d of Jot^ - - /g-' 

Very particular in his Account. 
Shews how far the Tides came to from Wellward. 


( xviii ) 

De Fonte leaves his Ships before the Town ;?/ Conofiet. 

.'The Time dc Fonte had flaid at Coiioffet - - - 5^ 

Yv'^as before acquauited witli the Pra<R:icability of Ber;:arda fending 
a Letter. 

How the Letter from Bentarda was fent. 

De Fonte waited to receive the Letter before he proceeded. 

Parmeti tiers, whom he was. 

Frenchmen were admitted into Pent. 

Reafons for the Jefuits coming into thefe Parts without pafilng the 
intermediate Country - - - - ~ '^9 

Fsrmentiers had been before in thefe Parts. 

His Motive for going into thofe Parts, and furveying the River P^r- 
rnev.tiers - - - - - - -60 

The People Captain Tchinkotv met v/ith, no ObjeifVion to the Cha- 
racter of the Indians in thefe Parts. 

Parmentiers not a general Interpreter - - — - 61 

Voyages had been made to thefe Parts. 

An Omiffion in the Tranflator. 

A Defcription of the River Parmentiers, Lake de Fonte, 
^nd the adjacent Country. 
The Form of the Letter again obferved by the Tranflator - - 62 
Lake de Fonte, fo named in Compliment to the Family he was of. 
Lake de Fonte a Salt Water Lake. 
A Comparifon of the Country with other Parts. 
Why de Fonte flopped at the Ifland South of the Lake - * ^3 

De Fonte _/rtz7j cut of the Eafi North-eaft End of the Lake 
de P'onte, and paffes the Streight of Ronquillo. 
An additional Comment. 

De Fonte\ Obfervation as to the Country altering for the worfe. 
A purpofed Silence as to the Part come into after pafTing the Streight 
of Ronquillo. 

De Fonte arrives at the Indian Town, and receives an Ac- 
count of the Ship. 
A further Inftance of Parmentiers having been in thefe Parts - 64 


( X'x ) 

Be Fonte had been on the Inquiry. 

5"-^!? Proceedings of de Fonte after meeting with the Ship. 
The Reafon of the Ship's Company retiring to the Woods - - 6.^ 
De Fonte had particularly provided himlelf with fome Engliflnnen. 
Shapley, the Navigator of the Ship, firft waits on the Admiral. 
Particulars as to Shapley. 

A Dilappointment of the Intelligence the Author hoped to attain - 66 
A Tradition amongil the antient People of there having been fuch_ 

a Voyage. 
Major Gibbons., an Account of him - - - - 6j 

Seimar Gibbons, a Miftake of the Tranflator - - - 68 

Majfachufets, the largeft Colony in New .England at that Time. 
The Ship fitted .out from Bofton. 
Remarks on de Fonte's Addrefs to Major Gibbons, and Conduift oa 

this Occafion. 
De Fonte only mentions- what is immediately necefiary for the Court 

to know - - - - - - - 70 

The Bojion Ship returned before de. Fonte left thofe Parts. 

A remarkable Anecdote from the Ecclefiaftical Hiftory of Nezv 

The Circumftances of which Account agree with this Voyage , - 7Z 
A further Tradition as to Major Gibbons. 
That the Perfons met by Gro Tellers wei-e not Major Gibbons, and his 


De Fonte returyis to ConofTet. . 

The various Courfes, Diftances, i£c. from Rio de hs Reyes to the 

Sea to the Ealtvi-ard of i?«7^/j?m7i? - - - --73 

The prudent Conduft obferved in the Abfence of the Admiral - 74 . 

De Fonte receives a Letter from Bernarda. . 
The Latitude and Longitude of ConiI?a£'et, &c. - - ■ - - 73 .. 

Obfervations as to the Meffeno;erwho carried the firft Letter from 

Obfervations as to the MefTenger with the Tecond Letter - - - 7^ 
The various Courfes, Diftances, (jfc. that Bernarda went. 
The Probability of fending a Seaman over. Land to .S^j^/^'s Bayo . 


( XX ) 


Remarks on the Report made by the Seaman - - - 77 

Bermrda going up the Tartarian Sea is agreeable to the yaj>anefe 

A Parallel drawn between Conojfet and Port Nelfon. 

The phyfical Obfcacles confidered - - - - 78 

Bermrda's Obfervations as to the Parts he had been in. 

Whether the parts about Bajin's Bay were inhabited - '79 

An Objedion as to the Affability of the Inhabitants further confi- 

As to the Diipatch ufed by Indians in carrying Exprefles. 

Bernardo, dircded by the Jefuits. as to the Harbour where he meets 
de Fonte. 

.DeF<7»/'e fent a Chart with his Letter - - - - 80 

Miguel Ve-rtegas, a Mexican Jefuit, his Obfervation as to the Account 
^ of de Fonte'sYoyage, &c. 

The Defign with which his Work was publifhed. 

Arguments for putting into immediate Execution what he recom- 
mends - - - - - - -Si 

Don Cortez informs the King of Spain that there is a Streight on the 
Coaft of the Baccaloos. 

Attempts made by Cor/ez - - - - - 82 

What is comprehended under the Name of Florida. 

King of Portugal fends Gafper Corterealis on Difcovery. 

The Name Labrador, wliat it means. 

Promonterum Ccrtereale, what Part fo named. 

Hudfon's -Streights named the River of Three Brothers or Anian. 

When the finding a Streight to Northward became a Matter of par- 
.ticular Attention of the 6j5rt;;/(,7rij - - - " ^3 

Undertaken by the Emperor. 

By Philip the Second. 

By PM/> the Third, and the Reafons - - - - S4 

The Opinions of Geographers as to the North Part of America. 
Hov/ the Maps were conflrucled at that Time - - ^5 

Unacquainted with what Cortez knew of the Streight - - 86 

Inftanced by the Voyage of Alarcon that the Land was thouglit to 
extend farther to Northward than afterwards fuppofed by the 
\oya^e: oi Juan Rcderi^ue de Catrillo - - - ^7 


( xxi ) 


Fizcatno, his Voyage, and the Difcovery of Jguilar. 
Spaniards never meant by the Streights of Anian, Beerings Streight 8 8 
Remarks on the Deficiency of the Spanijh Records. 
Uncertainty of attaining any Evidence front fuch Records. 
Father Kimo's Map of California altered by Geographers - - go 
The Objedlon of Fenegas as to the Authenticity of de Fonle's Ac- 
count confidered - - - - - . gi 

Mifreprefents the Title of the Letter - - - _ ^^ 

Doth not deny but that there was fuch a Perfon as de Fonte. 
The Jefuits and Parmentiers having been before in thefe Parts not 

improbable _--_.. ^^ 

Matter and Mariners mentioned by de Fofite, a probable Account. 
Whence the Tide came at the Head of the Gulph of California - 94 
De Fonte retires. Command taken by Admiral Cajfanate, 
Seyax y Lovera^ the Authority of his Account defended - - 95 
Venegas omits fome Accounts for Want of neceffary Authenticity. 
Mofl: of the Difcoveries are reported to be made by Ships from 

the Moluccas - - - - - -gS 

What Ships from the Moluccas or Philippines were forced to do 

in cafe of bad Weather. 
The Probability of a Difcovery made by a Ship from the Philip- 
pines or Moluccas. 
The People of the Philippine Iflands tliofe who molt talked of a 

Sahatierra, his Y^.ccount of a North-weft Paffage difcovered - 97- 
This Account gained Credit - - - _ 

Was the Foundation of Frobifher's Expedition. 
"Thomas Cowles., his Account defended - - -99 

Juan de Fuca, his Account - - - _ - iqo 

Remarlcs on that Account - - - _ -loi 

Expeditions which the Court of Spain order correfpond in Time 

with the Attempts for Difcovery from England - - i q 5 

The Difcovery of the Coaft of California for a Harbour for the 

^^/^L'rtp/^/ifo Ship not the Sole Defign - •- - 104 

Reafons that induced Aguilar to think the Opening where he v/as 

was tlie Streight of yi;//c7K - - - _ - 105 

Obfervation on the preceding Accounts. 

Have no certain Account of what Expeditions were in tliofe Psrts iq6 

c Aa 


( xxii ) 


An exact Survey of thofe Coafts not known to have been made 

until the Year 1745. 
The Streight of y^/7/fl« at prefent acknowledged - - 107 

The firft Difcoverers gave faithful Accounts. 

Reafons for ^c FiiH/ A Account being true - - - 108 

Accounts of Voyages not being to be obtained no juft Objeftion 

to their Authenticity. 
As to the Inference in de FcKte's Letter of there being no North- 
weft Pafiage - - - - - -109 

The Proximity of the TFcJlern Ocean fuppofed by all Difcoverers 11 1 
Obfervations on the Northern Parts of yfwfrzV^ being intermixed "^ 

witii Waters. 
The Objeclion as to the Diftance between the Ocean and the Sea 

at the Back of Hudfoti's Bay - - - -112 

Reafons why a PafTage hath not been difcovered. 

A great Channel to Weftward by which the Ice and Land Waters 

are vented. 
AccQ-antz oi de Fontc, de Fuca, ^ndChacke, agree - - n? 

Indians mentioned by de FotUe and thofe by de Fuca not the fame. 
Why de Fonte did not pafs up the North-eaft Part of the South 

Sea - - - - - - -114 

The Perfons who were in thofe Parts got no Information of a 

Streight - - - - - - - 115 

The Reprefentation of the Jefuits the Foundation of de Fojite'h 

The Court of Spain not of the fame Opinion with de Fonte or the 

Jefuits on his Return - - - - -116 

There is a Sea to Weftward oi Hudfon'% Bay - - - j 17 

Jofeph le France, his Account confidered - - -118 

Agrees with the Account oi de Fonte and de Fuca - - 1 19 

Improbability of the ^f/^ P/^/inhabiting near the Ocean - 120 

Which Way the Bofton Ship made the PalTage, uncertain. 
Whether through //?^^«'s Bay - - - - 122 

Obfei vations as to Chefterfield\ Inlet. 

As to P//?o/ Bay and Cw/Z-fr/^/zi Ifles - - - - 123 

A Quotation from Seyxas y Lovera. 

Obfervations thereon - - - - - 1 24 

3 Obfervations 

( xxlii ) 


Obfervations as to its having been the conftant Opinion that there 

was a North-weft Paffage - - - _ -121; 

The great Degree of Credibility there is from the Circumftances 

of de Fonie's Voyage. 
What Foundation thofe who argue againft a North-weft Paflao-e 

have for their Argument - - - - -126 

"Where the Paflage is fuppofed, and an Explanation of the Map 127 
Remarks as to Expeditions to be made purpofely for the Dif- 

The Inconveniencies which attended on former Expeditions. 
Prevented for the future by a Difcovery of the Coaft of l.a- 

The advantageous Confequences of that Attempt - - 128 

Method to be purfued in making the Difcovery. 

E N D I X. 

Fall in with the Coaft of Zfl^r^^or « - - - isi 

Stand more to Southward. 

Tokens of the Land --.:;_. 

Meet with the EJkemaux. 

Enter a Harbour ----»*_ 

The Country defcribed. 

People fent to the Head of the Harbour report they had feen a 
Houfe ----_-_ 

A more particular Account. 

The Report of Perfons fent to furvey the Country. 
Proceed on a further Difcovery - - - -106 

Enter up an Inlet. 

Prevented proceeding in the Schooner by Falls - - 1 57 

Proceed in a Boat, meet with Falls. 
Defcription of the Country. 

Sail out of the Inlet and go to Northward - - - 1^9 

See Smokes and go in Puriliit of the Natives - - - 140 



( xxlv ) 


Proceed up a third Inlet. 

See Smokes again. 

Enter a fourth Inlet. 

Meet with a Snow from England - . - . i^^ 

The Captain of the Snoia, his Account and other Particulars. 

Obferv'ations as to the EJkemaiix . . . . j^^ 

Snow had joined Company with a Sloop from Rhode IJland. 

An Account of where the ^/X'f/waa.v trade - - - 147 

EJkemaux come along-fide . . _ _ . j^y 

Schooner leaves the Snow. 

EJketnattx come aboard the Schooner - - - -148. 

Mate of Snow comes aboard the Schooner, and his Account 
Why mentioned - - - - - 

The Trade in thefe Parts could only be eftabhfhed by the Re- 
gulations of the Goi-ermnent. 
EJkemaux coming to trade with the Schooner intercepted. 
The Inlet fearched - - - - - -152 

Pafs into three other Inlets. 

An Account of them and the Country. 

Reafons for leaving off the Difcovery - - - - i rj 

FiJJjing Bank fought for and difcovered. 

An Ifland of Ice of a furprifing Magnitude and Depth. 






A Letter from Admiral Bartholomew de Fonte, then 
Admiral of New Spain a7td Peru, and now Prince of 
Chili ; giving an Accou7it of the mofi material Tranf- 
aEiions in a Journal of his from the Calo of Lima in 
Peru, on his Difcoveries^ to find out if there was a?iy 
North Weft Pajfage from the Atlantick Ocean iitto 
the South and Tartarian Sea. 

THE Viceroys o( New Spain and Peru, having advice from 
the Court oi Spain, that the feveral Attempts of the EngUJJo^ 
both in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King j'^wfj-, and of Capt. 
Hudfon and Capt. James, in the 2d, 3d and 4th Years of King 
■Charles, was in the 14th Year of the faid King Charles, A. D. j 670, 
undertaken from fome Induftrious Navigators from Bojlon in New 
England, upon which I Admiral de Fonte received Orders from 
Spain and the Viceroys to Equip four Ships of Force, and beino- 
ready we put to Sea the -3d oi April 1640. from the Calo oi Lima, 
I Admiral Bartholomew de Fo?ite in the Ship St Spiritus, the Vice- 
Admiral Don Diego PcnneloJJ'a, in the Ship St Lucia, Pedro de Bo- 
nardce, in the Ship Rofaria, Philip de Ronquilh in the King Philip. 
The 7th oi April at 5 in the Afternoon, we had the length o'i St 
Helm, two hundred Leagues on the Ncrth fide of the Bay oiGiia- 
jaquil, in 2 Degrees of South Lat. and anchored in the Port St 
Helena, within the Cape, where each Ship's Company took in a 
quantity of Betimen, called vulgarly Tar^ of a dark colour with a 
caft of Green, an excellent Remedy againft the Scurvy and Dropfie, 
and is ufed as Tar for Shipping, but we took it in for Medicine ; 
it Boils out of the Earth, and is there plenty. The loth we pafs'd 
the Equinodial by Cape del Paffao, the nth Cape St Francifco, in 

B one 

( 2 ) 

A M one Degree and feven Minutes of Latitude North from the Equator, 

1708. and anchor'd in the Mouth of the || K\wei: St yago, where with a 

* ^~-» Sea-Net we catch'd abundance of good Fifli ; and feveral of each 

Eight^Leagues 1 -it j - /-^ 

A^. a', ^z^. flWSliip's Company went alhoar, and kill'd iome Goats and Swine, 

^^/r-^f'" ■^' which are there wild and in plenty; and others bought of fome 

Natives, 20 dozen of Turkey Cocks and Hens, Ducks, and much 

excellent Fruit, at a Village two SpaJiiJJj Leagues, fix Mile and a 

half, up the River St J^go, on the Larbord fide or the Left hand. 

The River is Navigable for fmal! VefTels from the Sea, about 14 

Spaiiijh Leagues South Eaft, about half way to the fair City of 

^lita, in 22 Minutes oi South Latitude, a City that is very Rich. 

The \6th oi April we failed from the River St J^go to the Port 

^'^ and Town Raleo, 320 Leagues W. N.W. a little Wefterly, in about 

II Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Pi^ount St Miguel on 

the Larboard fide, and Point Cazami?ia on the Starboard fide. The 

Port o£ Raleo is a fafe Port, is covered from the Sea by the Iflands 

Ampallo and Ma72greza, both well inhabited with Native Indians, 

The great and 3 Other fmall Iflands. -f- Raleo is but 4 Miles over Land from 

S'/«Ner the head of the Lake Nigaragua, that falls into the North Sea in 

Spain ^f-« 12 Degrees of North Latitude, near the Corn or Pearl Iflands. 

*;!.7//« Raleo. ° 

Here at the Town of Raleo, where is abundance of excellent clofe 
grain'd Timber, a reddifli Cedar, and all Materials for building 
Shipping ; we bought 4 long well fail'd Shallops, built exprefs for 
failing and riding at Anchor and rowing, about 12 Tuns each, of 
32 foot Keel. The 26//', we failed from Raleo for the Port of 
Sciragua, or rather of Salagua, within the Iflands and Shoals of 
Chamilj, and the Port is often call'd by the Spaitiards after that 
Name; in 17 Degrees 31 Minutes of North Latitude, 480 Leagues 
North Wefl: and by Weft, a little Wefterly from Raleo. From the 
Town oi Saragua, a little Eaft o( Chamily at Saragua, and from 
Compo/Iih in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Mafter 
and fix Mariners accuftomed to Trade with the Natives on the Eaft: 
fide oi Califor?ua for Pearl; the Natives catch'd on a Bank in ig 
Degrees of Latitude North from the Baxcs St. Juan) in 24 Degrees 


( 3 ) 

of North Latitude 20 Leagues N, N. E. from Cape St Lucas, the April 
South Eaft point of California. The Mafter Admiral de Fonte had ._^70^'-^ 
hir'd, with his VefTcl and Mariners, who had informed the Ad- 
miral, that 200 Leagues North from Cape St Lucas, a Flood from 
the North, met the South Flood, and that he was fure it muft be 
an Ifland, and Don Diego Penneloffa (Sifters Son of * Don Lewis de Don Lewis de 
Haro) a young Nobleman of great Knowledge and Addrefs in Cof- g,-eat Mimjier 
mography and Navigation, and undertook to difcover whether Ca- "-f ^P^'"- 
lifornia was an Ifland or not ; for before it was not known whether 
it was an Ifland or a Peninfula ; with his Ship and the 4 Shallops 
they brought at Raleo, and the Mafter and Mariners they hir'd at 
Salagua, but Admiral de Fonte with the other 3 Ships failed from 
them within the Iflands Chamily the loth of May 1640. and having 
the length of Cape yibel, on the W. S. W. fide of California in 26 
Degrees of N. Latitude, 1 60 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Ifles 
Chamily ; the Wind fprung up at S. S. E. a fteady Gale, that from 
the 26tb oi May to the 14th of June, he had fail'd to the River 
loj Reyes in 53 Degrees of N. Latitude, not having occafion to lower 
a Topfail, in failing 866 Leagues N. N.W. 410 Leagues from Port 
Al>el to Cape Blanco, 456 Leagues to Riolos Reyes, all the time moft 
pleafant Weather, and failed about 260 Leagues in crooked Chan- 
nels, araongft Iflands named the \\ Archtpelagus de St Lazarus ; \\ So „amed hy 
where his Ships Boats fail'd a mile a head, founding to fee what ^/J^^/L' %ii 
Water, Rocks and Sands there was. The 22d oijune. Admiral 'f'^t made that 
Fonte difpatched one of his Captains to Pedro de Barjiarda, to fail '^"'"-" 
up a fair River, a gentle Stream and deep Water, went firft N. and 
N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Iflands, and one very 
large Penvfula fall of Inhabitants, a Friendly honeft People in this 
Lake ; he named Lake VaJafco, where Captain Barnarda left his 
Ship ; nor all up the River was lefs than 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 Fathom 
Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, 
and very large white Pearch, fome of two foot long j and with 3 
large Indian Boats, by them called Periagos, made of two large 
Trees 50 and 60 foot long. Capt. BaniM-da firft failed from his 

B 2 Ships 

( 4 ) 

April Ships in the Lake ValafcOy one hundred and forty Leagues Wefir, 
. ^-° ^] . ^"'i th^i^ 436 E.N. E. to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral </^ 
Fonte, after he had difpatch'd Captain Bania?-da on the Difcovery 
of the North and Eaft part of the T!artarian Sea, the Admiral fail'd 
up a very Navigable River, which he named Kiolos Reyes, that rua 
neareft North Eaft, but on feveral Points of the Compafs 60 
Leagues at low Water, in a fair Navigable Channel, not lefs than 
4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flow'd in both Rivers near the fame Wa- 
ter, in the River /os Reyes, 24 foot Full and Change of the Moon; 
a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flow'd in the K'lver de Haro 
■f Oneofihofe 2 2 foot and a half Full and Change. They had two -}- Jefuits with 
'nmthCapt. them that had been on their Miflion to the 66 Degrees of North 
Barnada on Latitude, and had made curious Obfervations. The Admiral de 

hts, Uijco-vfry. 

Fonte received a Letter from Captain Barnarda, dated the 27th of 
June, 1640. that he had left his Ship in the 'Ld.kt Valafco, betwixt 
the Ifland Barnarda and the Peninfula Conihajfet, a very fafe Port ; 
it went down a River from the Lake, 3 falls, 80 Leagues, and 
fell into the Tartarian Sea in 61 Degi'ees, with the Pater Jefuits 
and 36 Natives in three of their Boats, and 20 of his Spanjjlj Sea- 
men ; that the Land trended away North Eaft ; that they fliould 
Vv'ant no"~Provifions, the Country abounding with Venifon of 3 forts, 
and the Sea and Rivers with excellent Fidi (Bread, Salt, Oyl and 
Brandy they carry'd witli them) that he fliould do what was pof- 
iible. The Admiral, when he received the Letter from Captain 
Bam~Trda, was arrived at an Indian Town called Concjfct, on the 
South-fide the Lake Belle, where the two Pater Jefuits on their Mif- 
fion had been two Years ; a peafant Place. The Admiral with his 
two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d 0^ June, an Hour before hio-h 
Water, and there was no Fall or Catrad, and 4 or 5 Fathom Wa- 
ter, and 6 and 7 gerierally in the Lake Belle, there is a little fall 
of Water till hilf Flood, and an Hour and quarter before high 
Water the Flood begins to fet gently into the hzkt Belle ; the 
River is freih at 20 Leagues diftance from the Mouth, or Entrance 
of the River los Reyes. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon, 


C S ) 

Salmon-Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other forts April 
of Fifli peculiar to that River, admirable good, and Lake Bel/e ; ^ 7°^ 
alfo abounds with all thofe forts of Fifli large and delicate : And 
Admiral cle Fonfe fays, the Mullets catch 'd in Rios Reyes and Lake 
Belle, are much delicater than are to be found, he believes, int 
any part of the World. 

The reft fhall be incerted in our nextv 

( 6 ) 


'7°'- . M E M O I R S for the C U R I O U S. 

The Remainder of Admiral Bartholomew de Fonte'^ 
Letter ; givijig mi Account of the mofi material 
T'rafifaSiions in a yozirnal of his from the Calo of 
Lima in Peru, 07i his Difcoveries to find out if there 
was any No?'th Weft Pajfage from the Atlantick Ocean 
into the South and Tartarian Sea ; which for want of 
Room we could not pofftbly avoid pofiponing. 

See fheMe- /w x J £ concludcd with giving an Account of a Letter from Capt. 

moirs for April ^ /% / o o ^ i 

1708. and V V Bartiarda, dated the 27th o^ June, 1640. on his Difcovery 
'leginJlig of in the Lake Valafco. The firft of July 1640, Admiral de Fonts 
^Difcow'y.' failed from the reft of his Ships in the Lake Belle, in a good 
Port cover'd by a- fine Ifland, before the Town Conojjet from 
thence to a River I named Parmentiers, in honour of my Indu- 
ilrious Judicious Comrade, Mr Paj-mentiers, who had moft exadtly 
mark'd every thing in and about that River j we pafs'd 8 Falls, 
in all 32 foot, perpendicular from its Sourfe out oi Belle ; it falls 
into the large Lake I named Lake de Fonte, at which place we ar- 
rived the 6th of July. This Lake is 1 60 Leagues long and 60 
■broad, the length is E, N. E. and W. S. W. to 20 or 30, in feme 
places 60 Fathom deep ; the Lake abounds with excellent Cod and 
Ling, very large and well fed, there are feveral very large Iflands 
and 10 fmall ones; they are covered with flirubby Woods, the 
Mofs grows 6 or 7 foot long, with which the Moofe, a very large 
fort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lefter Deer, 
as Fallow, &c. There are abundance of wild Cherries, Straw-ber- 
ries, Hurtle-berries, and wild Currants, and alfo of wild Fowl, 
Heath Cocks and Hens, likewife Patriclges and Turkeys, and Sea 
Fowl in great plenty on the South fide : The Lake is a very large 



( 7 ) 

fruitful Ifland, had a great many Inhabitants, and very excellent J _ 
Timber, as Oaks, Aflies, Elm and Fur-Trees, very large and tall. ^7°^ 

The 14th of July we failed out of the E. N. E. end of the Lake 
Je Fonte, and pafs'd a Lake I named EJiricho de Ronquillo, 34 
Leagues long, 2 or 3 Leagues broad, 20, 26, and 28 Fathom of 
Water; we pafs'd this ftrait in 10 hours, having a ftout Gale of 
Wind and whole Ebb. As we failed more Eafterly, the Country 
grew very fenfibly worfe, as it is in the North and South parts of 
America, from 36 to the extream Parts North or South, the Weft 
differs net only in Fertility but in Temperature of Air, at leaft jo 
Degrees, and it is warmer on the Weft fide than on the Eaft, as 
the beft cpanijl^ Dilcoverers found it, whofe bufinefs it was in 'the 
time of the Emperor Charki the V. to Philip the IIL as is noted 
by Aloares and a Cofta and Mariana, &c. 

The 17th we came to an Indian Town, and the Indians told our 
Interpreter Mr Panneniiers, that a little way from us lay a great 
Ship where there had never been one before ; we failed to them 
and found only one Man advanced in years, and a Youth ; the Man 
was the greateft Man in tloe Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks 
I had ever met with ; my fecond Mate was an EngliJJj Man, an 
excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prifo- 
ners at Campecky, a. well as the Mafter's Son ; they told me the 
Ship was oiNew England, from a Town called Bofion. The Owner 
and the whole Ships CotTipany came on board the 3Gth, and the 
Navigator of the Ship, Capt. Sbapley, tolJ me, his Owner was a 
fine Gentleman, and Major General of the largeft Colony in New 
England, called the Maltechtifets ; fo I received him like a Gentle- 
man, and told him, my Commiffion was to make Prize of any 
People feeking a North Weft or Weft Paflage into the South Sea, 
but I would look upon them as Merchants trading with the Natives 
for Bevers, Otters, and other Furs and Skins, and fo for a fmall 
Prefent of Provifions 1 had no need on, I gave him my Diamond 
^ Ring, 

-( s ) 

June Ring, which coft me 1200 Pieces of Eight, (which the modefl 
'? 708. Gentleman received with difficulty) and having given the brave 
Navigator, Capt. Shapley for his fine Charts and Journals, 1000 
Pieces of Eight, and the Owner of the Ship, Sch?ior Gibbons a 
quarter Caflc of good Peruan Wine, and the 10 Seamen each 20 
Pieces of Eight, the 6th of Augufi, with as much Wind as we could 
■fly before, and a Currant, we arrived at the firfl: Fall of the River 
Parmenticrs, the 11th oi Augujl, 86 Leagues, and was on the 
South fide of the Lake Belle on board our Ships the 1 6th of Au- 
giijl^ before the fine Town Conoffet, where we found all things well; 
and the honeft Natives of ConoJJ'et had in our abfence treated our 
People with great humanity, and Capt. de Rovqiiillo anfwer'd their 
-Civility and Juftice. 

The 20th oi Augiifl an Indian brought me a Letter to Conojfet on 
\\\t Lake Belle, from Capt. Barnarda, dated the 1 1 th oi Augujl, where 
he fent me word he was returned from his Cold Expedition, and 
did afiTure me there was no Communication out of the Spanijli or 
Atlantic^ Sea, by D^wi Srait ; for the Natives had conduced one 

■of his Seamen to the head cf Davis Srait, which terminated in a 
frefli Lake of about 30 Mile in circumference, in the 80th Degree 

■ of North Latitude ; and that there was prodigious Mountains North 
of it, befides the North Weft from that Lake, the Ice was fo fix'd, 
that from the Shore to 100 Fathom Water, for ought he knew 
from the Creation; for Mankind knew little of the wonderful 
Works of God, efpecially near the North and South Poles ; he writ 
further, that he had failed from Ba//i't Ifland North Eaft, and Eaft 
North Eafi:, and North Eaft and by Eaf^, to the 79th Degree of 
Latitude, and then the Land trended North, and the Ice refted on 
tb.e Land. I received afterwards a fecond Letter from Capt. S^r- 
?iada, dated from Minhanfet, informing me, that he made the Port 
oi Aram, 20 Leagues up the River los Reyes on the 29th oi Au- 
^iijf, Vvhere he waited my Commands, I having ikoKt of good Salt 
Provifions, of Venifon and Fill), that Capt. de Rannmllo had falted 
8 (by 

( 9 ) 

(by my order) in my abfence, and loo Hogftieads of 77zi/^« Wheat 
or Mais, failed the 2d o^ September 1640. accompanied with many 
of the honeft Natives of ConoJJet, and the 5th of September in the 
Morning about 8, was at an Anchor httw\xt Arena and Mynbanfett 
in the River los Reyes, failing down that River to the North Eaft 
part of the South Sea; after that returned home, having found 
that there was no Paflage into the South Sea by that they call the 
North Weft Paflage. The Chart will make this much more de- 

Tho the Style of the foregoing Piece is not altogether fo Polite, (being 
writ like a Man, whofe livelihood depended on another way) but with- 
abundance of Experience and a Traveller, yet there arefo many Curious, 
and hitherto unknown Difcoveries, that it was thought worthy a place 
in tkefe Memoirs ; and 'tis humbly pre/um'd if will not be unaccept- 
able to thofe who have either been in thofe Parts, or will give the?n~ 
Jehes the trouble of reviewing the Chart, 


O N 

The Title affixed^ aiid on other Circumjlances relating to. 
the Letter of Adfniral de Fonte, Jhewing the Authen- 
ticity of that Letter^ and of the Account therein CQ?i- 

,BSERVATIONS have been made by feveral Geographers of. 
different Nations on the Letter of Admiral de Fonte, to fhew that 
fuch Letter is not deferving of Credit, is to be thought of as a mere 
Ei(5Vion or Romance, and is a Forgery compofed by fome Perfon to ferve 
a particular Purpofe. But it will appear, as we proceed in a more par- 
ticular Confideration of the Title and Circumftances relative to the Let- 
ter of Admiral de Fonte than hath been hitherto ufed, and from the fol- 
lowing Remarks on the Subjedl of fuch Letter *, That thofe Obferva- 
tions made by the Geographers have many of them no juft Foundation, 
the reft afford not a fufficient Evidence to invalidate the Authenticity of 
that Letter, and of the Account it contains. 

It is only from a Copy of the Letter of de Fonte that the Tranflation 
hath been made, which is now publifhed, as is plain from a Title 
being affixed, A Letter from Admiral Bartholomew de Fonte, then Ad- 
miral of New Spain aj:d Peru, and now Prince of Chili. As Prince is 
never ufed in this Senfe v/ith us, it is apparently a literal Tranflation 
of the Spanip Word Principe, confequently this Title was wrote in 
the Spanifo Language, and we cannot otherwife conclude bilt in the . 
fame Language with the Letter. From this and other Defecfls of the 
like Sort, which v/ili be noticed as we proceed in our Obfervations, the 

* Memoires et Obfervations Gecgraphiques et Criliques far la Situation de Pays Sep- 
•Xntrionaux, 5:c. a Laufanne, 1765,— Pa. 115, tcz. 

C 2. TranHator • 

. ( 12 ) 

Tranflator muft be acquitted from al! Sufpicion of being any way con- 
cerned in this pretended Forgery. 

By the Copieft affixing this Title, it is evident he was well alTured 
that there had been fuch an Expedition. 

The Anecdotes, as to the Vice-admiral Pennelojfa, in the Body of the 
Letter, what is therein mentioned as to the Jeiuits, evidence that a 
minute and particular Inquiry was made by the Copiefc ; that he had 
thoroughly informed himielf of every Particular of this Affair ; that he 
was afTured that the Account by him copied contained the moft mate- 
rial Tranfacftions in a Journal of de Fonte's, and that de Fonte was then, 
probably from his advanced Age, in the Service of tlie Government in 
-another Station. 

This Expedition not being folely to intercept the Navigators from 
Ecfion, but alfo to difcover whether there was a Paffage in thofe Parts 
thro' which xhtEftglifi expeded to make a Paffage, viz. by the back Part 
of Firgifua, by Hudfoji's or by Bajftn's, Bay ; it was an Undertaking 
which required that the Perfon who had the conducing of it ffiould not 
only be a Man of good Underftanding, but ajudicious and experienced 
Seaman. The Time required to attain fuch Qiialifications implies, that 
de Fonte muft have been of a mature Age when he went on this Com- 
mand •, and de Fonte being alive at the Time that the Copy was taken, 
it muft have been taken within twenty Years, or in a lefs Time after fuch 
Expedition, as the Copieft fpeaks oi Pennelojfa as a young Nobleman 
The Copieft therefore could not be impofed on, as his Inquiries were 
made in fuch a Time, either with refpecft to the Perfons concerned, or 
■vvith refpect to the Letter not being a genuine Account of the Voyage. 

A Perfon might be fo circumftanced as to attain the Favour of copyin<y 
fuch Letter, induced by fome private Motive, without an Intention of 
making it publick, as Publications were not at that Time fo frequent 
as of late Days -, neither is it lefs probable that a Copy fo taken may, 
in Procefs of Time, come into otiier Hands and tlien be publiffied. 

Mr. Gage obferves, in his Dedication to Lord Fairfax., ' Tlie Reafon 
' of his publifliing a New Survey of the Weji hidies to be, becaufe that 
' nothing had been written of thefe Parts for thefe hundred Years laft 

■' paftj 

( 13 ) 

' paft, which is ahnoft ever fince from the firft Conqueft thereof by the 
' Spaniards, who are contented to lofe the Honour of that Wealth and 
' Felicity, which they have fince purchafed by their great Endeavours, 
* -fo that they may enjoy the Safety of retaining what they have for- 
' merly gotten in Peace and Security.' And though de Fonte declares 
that there was no North-weft Paflage, yet that there fhould be no Pub- 
lication of the Account of the Voyage is confiftent with this eftabliflicd 

The North-weft Paflage he mentions is not to be underftood, in 
an unlimited Senfe, for a Paflage between the Atlantkk and Weftern 
Ocean to the Northward, but the Meaning is confined to that Paflage 
expefted by Hudfon's Bay : For de Fonte fays, that he was to make a 
Prize of any feeking a North-weft or JVeft Pajfage * ; by the latter he 
meant where Pennelo[fa v/as fent to fearch ; and Bernarda fays, there was 
no Communication out of the Spanijh or Atlantick Sea, by 'Davis Streight ; 
and there was an Extent of Coaft which de Fonte only ran along, and 
had, but at Times, a diftant View of ; and as to the Jefuits, by what- 
ever Means they got into thofe Parts, it is evident they had not {&tVL 
all the intermediate Country. Therefore tho' the Court of Spain was 
fatisfied that the Paflage was not where de Fonte had fearched ; yet there 
might be a Paflage where he had not fearched, and publifliing this Ac- 
count of the Voyage would be an Afliftance to the Adventurers, as 
it would confine them in their Searches to thofe other Parts which 
were curforily pafled by de Fonte, and where perhaps they might fuc- 
ceed : Or this Account particularly defcribing the Northern and 
Weftern Part of Atnerica, not hitherto known, would be of great Ser- 
vice to Rovers, who had already found their Way into thofe Seas, by 
directing them to the Coaft and Harbours, and giving them an Account 
of a Country where they could retire to with tolerable Security from any 
Interruption from the Spaniards, a good Climate, hofpitable People, and 
a Plenty of Provifions to be had ; Circumftances v/hich might enuble 
them to continue their cruizing in thofe Seas much longer than without 
fuch Lights as they would receive from this Account they would be en- 
abled to do. 

* ^'ide Letter. 

( H ) 

II is well known that the Spaniards claimed all to the Nortli ward as their 
Dominion, which they intended in due Time to acquire the Poffefllon 
of, and tlie Publication might give an Infight to the EngliJJj Settlers in 
America to be beforehand with them in attaining a Settlement in thofc 

Their Attempt to intercept the Engllfo Subjedls, when made Publick 
to the World, would have given Umbrage to the Court and People of 
England, which the Spaniards would not unnecefiarily, and efpecially at 
a Time when they had their Hands full of a War- with the French, who 
had alfo incited the Catahnians to rebel, and had joined them with their. 
Troops. The Spaniards were, at the fame Time, endeavouring to re- 
cover the Dominions of Portugal. And de Fonte had refpeft to the criti- 
cal Situation their Aflfairs were in, even before he fet out on his Voyage, 
hence his political Behaviour when he met with the Navigators from . 
Bofton, committed no Aft of Ploftility, yet made Uie of the moft effec- 
tive Means to prevent their proceeding further. 

As no Publication was permitted of this Expedition, this therefore 
could come but to the Knowledge only of a very few Perfons in Old 
Spain. Such a fmgular Tranfaftion being foon, from their Attention 
to other Matters, and their Miniftry foon after entirely changed, no . 
more talked of, unlefs it fhould have been revived by fomething of the 
lilce Nature again happening on the Part of the Englijh. As no At- 
tempt was made by the Englifa for almoft a Century, this Tranfaftion, 
in that Time, fell into Oblivion. At the Time fuch Attempt was re-, 
nev/ed, then the Spaniards were better acquainted with the Purpofe of. 
our fettling iri America, they had altered their Defigns of extending; 
their own Poffcfllcns, there was alio another Power who might pre- 
tend that fuch PaiTage, if made, was Part in their Dominion, fo ob- 
flruift our free proceeding and interrupt our fettling ; the Spaniards 
tiierefore having no immediate Occafion for any Refearches back to 
the Records to acquaint themfelves as to the Practicability or Im-. 
practicability of our Attempts, or to take Direftions for their ovm Pro- 
ceedings, the Remembrance of this Expedition continued dormant. 


( 15 ) 

In New Spain, the fitting four Ships to go on Difcovery, as fuch Un- 
dertakings had been very frequent, it would not engage any extraor- 
dinary Attention of the Publick there ; it often happened that what 
was done on fuch Voyages was kept a Secret. The more curious and 
inquifitive Perfons would attain but an imperfeft Account, by Inquiry 
from the People on board the Ships, as the Ships were divided, and 
they would receive no fatisfaftory Information of what was moft material, 
and the principal Objeft of their Inquiry by thofe who went in the 
Boats, as Seamen delighting in Stories often tell what they neither heard 
or faw. The Confequences of the Voyage not known, becaufe not un- 
derftood, a weak Tradition of tliis Expedition would remain to Poftc- 
rity, and the only Knowledge or Certainty to be acquired, as to this 
Expedition, would be from Journals accidentally preferv^ed, of fome 
Perfons who had gone the Voyage. 

Monf. de Lijle gives us an Extraft of a Letter from Monf. Antonio de 
Ulloa, wrote from Aranguer the 19th oijune in the Year 1 753*, to Monf. 
Bouguer e le Mounier, to anfwer the Queries they had made on the Sub- 
jedl of the Letter of Admiral de Fuente. That curious and able Spanifa 
Officer fent them in Anfwer, That in the Year 1742 he commanded a 
Ship of War the Rofe, in the South Sea ; he had on board him a Lieu- 
tenant of the Veflel named Don Manuel Morel, an antient Seaman, v/ho 
{hewed him a Manufcript ; Monf. Ulloa forgot the Author's Name, but 
believes it to be Bartbelemi de Fuentes. The Author in that Manufcript 
reported, that in Confequence of an Order which he had received from 
the then Viceroy of Feru, that he had been to the Northv/ard of Cali- 
fornia, to difcover whether there was a Paffage by which there was a 
Communication between the North and South Sea ; but having reached 
a certain Northern Latitude, which Monf. Ulloa did not recollcft, and 
having found nothing that indicated fuch PafTage, he returned to the 
Port of Callao, &c. Monf. Ulloa adds, he had a Copy of fuch Relation, 
but he loft it when he was taken by the Englifo on liis return' frcm 

* Novelles Cartes des Decov^rtes de L'Amiral de Fonte, et autres Navigatcurs, &c. 
Par de Lifle. Paris 1753; — P. 30. 


( i6 ) 

It is evident, from this Account being feen in 1742, it is not the 
fame from v/hich the Tranflation is made which we now have, that 
being publiflied in 1708. And as Monf. de Lijle afTerts, that the Letter 
is conformable with what Monf. UUoa faid at Paris three Years before, 
with this Difference only, that he faid pofitively at that Time, that the 
Relation which he had feen at Perti, and of which he had taken a Copy, 
was of Admiral de Fonte, this Manufcript, which contained the Account 
of the Voyage, may rather be fuppofed to be a Relation, or Journal- 
kept by fome Perfon, who was aboard Admiral de Fonte's Ship, a Friend 
or Anceflor of Morel, than a Copy the fame with this Letter, as it only 
mentioned the Purport of the Voyage, feems not to have the par-, 
ticular Circumftances as to intercepting the Bofion Men. This Ac- 
count is an Evidence fo far in Favour of this Letter, as it proves that 
this Letter is not the only Account that there is of this Voyage, and 
that another Account was feen and copied at Peru many Years after 
this Letter was publifhed in England. But if it be fuppofed that it is 
one and the fame Account, and that from the Englijh, it would not 
have been accepted of and kept by Morel, and fhewed as a Curiofity, 
■unlefs he was Iktisfied that it was a true genuine Account of fuch 
Voyage, and as to which he would naturally inquire, being on the 
Spot, where he might probably be informed, and unlefs he was at a Cer- 
tainty that what that Account contained was true, would he have pro- 
duced the Manufcript, or permitted his Captain to take a Copy of it as 
genuine -, yet we may with greater Probability fuppofe, that this Manu- 
fcript which Morel had was no Tranilation from the EngUJJo, but in 
itfelf an Original. Monf UUoa fpeaking of Morel as an antient Sea- 
man, cannot mean that he was in the Expedition of de Fonte, only im- 
plies his being acquainted with fome one who was, with whom, from 
his Courfe of Years, he might have failed, and attained this Journal. 

What is faid in the Letter of Monf UUoa, that he forgot the Name of 
t!ie Author of the Manufcript, but believes it was Bartelemi de Fuentes, 
that the Author of that Manufcript gave an Account of. It rnuft be 
confidcred, that when Monf UUoa wrote he was in Old Spain, many 
Years after he had feen the Account, and three Years after he was at 
Paris ; and though he genteelly anfwers the Inquiries fent him, agree- 

( 17 ) 

able to his Converfation at Paris, yet does not exprefs himfelf fo pofi- 
tively as when at Paris, as in the Letter he only believes it to be Bar- 
tekmi de Fonte. Monf. Ulloa would fooner not have anfwered the Lttter 
than deny what he had formerly faid -, and if Monf. de Lijle had advanced 
that for which he had no proper Authority, both as a Gentleman and 
an Officer he would not have fubmitted to fuch a Fallhood : But from 
Monf Ulloa being tender in the Account, being of a Matter which might 
not make any great ImprefTion on him at the Time he received it, ten 
Years fince, out of his Hands, and three Years after he was at Paris, this 
Account is more worthy of Credit, and he might be more cautious, 
now he was to give it under his Hand, to foften the Reproach of his 
Countrymen for his not adting like a true Spaniard, in being fo commu- 
nicative in this Matter. The Account which Monf. de LiJle hath given, 
was with a Permiffion of Monf Ulloa to make Ufe of his Name, as the 
Letter Monf Ulloa fent teftifies. Where Monf de Lijle hath not the Li- 
berty to mention the Name of hii Author, he only fays, that there was 
a Perfon equally curious, and as well inftrufted in the Affair as Monf 
de Ulloa, who aflured him pofitively that there was fuch a Relation. 

Though Monf de Lijle had a particular Syfteni to fupport, yet, at 
the fame Time, he had a great publick Charafter to prefei^^e. Monf 
Bougier, Mounier, and Ulloa, were living at the Time he gave this Ac- 
count to the Publick •, they would be aflced as to what they knew of the 
Affair ; and a more particular Inquiry would be made of Monf de Lijle^ 
as to the Information he received fronl the namelefs Perfon -, and as 
there were feveral of his Countrymen who did not adopt his Syftem, a 
Trip in this Affair, as to the Evidence he brings in Support of the Au- 
thority of this Account of de Fonte, would have given them an Advan- 
tage which they would not have neglefted, and have done Juftice to the 
Publick, by letting them know there was little of Truth in this Ac- 
count ; but as no Refleftions have appeared, we have no Reafon to 
queftion the Veracity of Monf de Lifie in this Relation, on any Surmifes 
of Strangers, on no better Authority than meer Opinion, without a 
fingle Reafon produced in Support of what they infinuate. 

This Letter, when publiflied in 1708, was confidered only as an Ac- 
count that was curious ; was looked on as of no Importance, and did 

D not 

not engage the Attention of the Publick until the Difcovery of the North- 
weft Paliage became the Topick of common Converfation, and would 
have lain, without having any further Notice taken of it, had not tlie 
Attempts to difcover a North-weft Paffage been revived. It is from 
their being produced in a proper Seafon, that Accounts of this Sort be- 
come permanent, affifting in fome favourite Defign, being thus ufeful 
they are prefcrved from Obfcurity and Oblivion. We have an Account, 
the Author Captain Dc« Francifco de Seixas, a Captain in the Spanijh Navy, 
and is frequently quoted by the SpaniJhW rkers, though he is little known 
amongft us. — He fays, P. 7 1 . ' Thomas Peche,, an Englijhman, having been 

* at Sea twenty-eight Years, and made eight Voyages to the Eaft-Indies 

* and China during fixteen Years of that Time, fpent the other twelve in 
» Trading and Piracies in the fVeJl-Indies, from whence he returned to 

* England in 1669; and, after continuing there four Years, in 1673, 

* with other Companions, fitted out at the Port of Brijiol one Ship of 
» five hundred Tons, with forty-four Guns, and two light Frigates of 

* one hundred and fifty Tons, and in each eighteen Guns, giving out 

* that he was bound on a trading Voyage to the Canaries ; whence they 

* bore away with the three Veflels, and went through the Streight Le 
' MairCy with two hundred and feventy Men, which he carried direftly 
' to trade at'the Moluccas and Thilippnas. 

' And after continuing in thofe Parts twenty-fix Months and fome 
' Days, it appearing to the faid Thomas Peche that from the Philippinas 
' he could return to England in a fhorter Time by the Streight of Anian 
" than by the Eaft or Streight Magellan, he determined to pafs this 
' Rout with his large Ship, and one fmall one, the other having loft 
' Company by bad Weather, or worfe Defign in thofe who com- 

* manded it. 

' And having, as he fays, failed one hundred and twenty Leagues 
' within the Streights of Anian, relates, that as the Month of OSIober 
' was far advanced, in which the northerly Winds reign much, and drove 
' the Waters from the North to the South, that the Currents of the faid 
' Streight of Anian were fuch, and fo ftrong, that had they continued 
' longer they muft, without Doubt, have been loft ; wherefore, finding 
' it neceffary to return back, failing along the Coaft oi Calif ornia (after 

* having failed out of the Channel of Anisn) and thofe of Nezv Spain 

' and 

( 19 ) 

* and Peru, he went through the Streight of Magellan into the North 

* Sea in fixteen Hundred and feventy-feven, with the VelTels and much 
' Riches, great Part whereof was of a SpaniJIo Veflel which they took on 
' the Coaft of Lugan.' 

Wherefore pafling over all the reft of what the Author fays in his 
Voyage, only mentioning what regarded the Currents, he relates, that 
when he entered into the Streight oi Anian he found, from Cape Mendo- 
cino in California, for above twenty Leagues within the Channel, the 
Currents fet to the N. E. all which and much more the Curious will find 
in the Voyage of the faid 'Thomas Peche, which in fixteen Hundred and 
feventy-nine was printed in French and Englijh, in many Parts of Hol- 
land, France, and England, in lefs than twenty Sheets Quarto : And 
(he adds) further I can affirm, that I have feen the Author many Times 
m the Year eighty-two, three and four in Holland, who had along 
with him a Spanijh Meftize born in the Philippinas, together with a 

It can fcarce be imagined the Whole is without Foundation, though 
no fuch Voyage is at prefent to be come at, Seyxas publifhing his Work 
foon after the Publication by Peche, to which he particularly refers, 
feems to obviate all Doubt of his Sincerity ; and there are too many 
Circumftances, which are collateral Evidence, mentioned, to imagine he 
could be entirely deceived. He publifhed his Work at Madrid in fix- 
teen Hundred and eighty-eight, dedicated to the King, as Prefident in 
his Royal Council of the Indies, and to the Marquis de Ics Velez ; the 
Work intituled, Theatro Naval Hydographico de Los Fluxos, &c. This 
Account was received as a true and faithful Relation of a Voyage 
performed, as it was publifhed in various Languages ; yet the Want of 
this Account is a Particular, fome Reafon for Exception with us, that we 
cannot receive it as a Certainty. And we are more fufpicious as to the 
Truth of any Accounts that we have received relating to the North- 
weft Part oi America, than to any other Part of the Globe. Our Opinion 
being in a great Meafure influenced by the Syftem we embrace, as. 
Whether there is a North-weft Paflage, or not ? And for this Reafon 
only, no Part of the Globe hath more engaged the Attention of the Geo- 
graphers, and with refped: to which they had more different Opinions. 

D 2 Thof» 

( 20 ) 

Thofe whofe Opinion it was that Afia and America were contiguous, 
had, for many Years, their Opinion rejeifled, but now confirmed to be 
true by the Ruffian Difcoveries ; and we may conclude they had a good 
Authority for what they advanced, which was not tranfmicted down to 
us, as they had fuch an Aflurance of what they had advanced, as they 
fuppofed there could never be the kail Doubt of it. Thofe v/ho ad- 
vanced that there was Paflage between the Atlantkk and Southern Ocean, 
by a Streight in the Northern and Weftern Parts of America, and very 
likely on a good Authority, have their Opinion oppofed, all Accounts 
of Voyagers treated as fabulous, and for the fame Reafon that the Opi- 
nion of Afia and America being contiguous was rejefted, as they could 
produce nothing further for it tlian Tradition, and as to which the Tra- 
dition now appears to have had its Foundation in Truth. Soon after 
America was difcovered, and the Spaniards had fettled in New Spain, 
the Report of there being a Streight prevailed, the Truth of this Re- 
port hath not been difp roved, and we have no juft Reafon to rejedl this 
Tradition for pofitive Affertions which are produced without any Evi- 
dence, but that our Attempts have not fucceeded. Which is an Inference 
deduced from a falfe Principle, for ovir not having had the expected Suc- 
cefs hitherto, doth not imply that we may not fucceed hereafter, as we 
proceed in our future Attempts -, and all that hath been faid, as to there 
being no North-weft Pafiage, is not adequate to the Tradition of there 
being fuch a Paflage. This Tradition is alfo fupported by a few Ac- 
counts, which v/e rejeft too abfolutely. Thefe Accounts are given by 
various Perfons, at different Times, without any Concern, Connection,. 
or even Acquaintance the one witli the other-, which Accounts fhew 
that the Opinion of their being fuch a Streight prevailed. Thefe Ac- 
counts were given by Foreigners •, we cauld not receive them from any 
other, as v/e did not frequent thofe Seas, and at prefent have no read/ 
Accefs to them. And as it v/as but occafionally that any Perfons went 
into thofe Parts, it is but by a few Perfons only we could receive any 
Information refpedling thereto. Nor could we attain fuch Information 
as we have in another Manner, than from what our own Countrymen 
accidentally picked up, as a regular Publication of fuch Account was 
not permitted, and as fome thought themfelves intercfted to keep the 
moil material Part a Secret, in iiopes to turn it to Adv^antage, by bsi.ig 
employed, or receiving a Gratuity for tiieir Dilcoveiy. And Allowances 


( 21 ) 

fhould be made, without declaring a Perfon immediately too credulous, 
who reports what he hears only in Converfation from another ; he may, 
in fuch Converfation, omit many Circumftances which it would have 
been neceflary for him to be informed of, in order to give that Satif- 
fadlion to others to whom he reports this Information, which he hintfelf 
received of the Truth of what was related to him at the Time of the Con- 
verfation. And we have no Reafon to cenfure thofe as too credulous 
who have publifhed thefe Accounts, until we get a more perfedl In- 
formation as to the North-weft Parts of America, which at prefent re- 
main unknown. A Difpute arifes as to the Situation of fuch a Streight; 
and Accounts given by Indians are produced to prove that the Streight 
cannot be in fuch a Part, where it is fuppofed to be fo far to the 
Southward as to have its Entrance from the South Sea, in Latitude 
51 •, whereas, on a little Examination, it would appear that thofe In- 
dians, whofe Accounts are produced, are almoft equal Strangers as to 
thofe Parts with the Euro-peans. They do not feek inhofpitable Coun- 
tries, where there is little Produce, no Plenty of Fuel, great and fre- 
quent Waters, Mountains and Swamps, having no Inducement from 
Trade or on Account of War, as they would not go into thofe Parts to 
feck their Enemy, whom, with kfs Hazard and a greater Certainty of 
finding them, they could attack when returned from their Summer hunt- 
ing and fifhing to their Retirements, where they live more comfortably 
than in thofe Parts into which, by Neceffity, they are obliged to go on 
Account of the Chace, as they could not otherwife fubfiil thenifclves 
and FamiHes, And on due Examination it will appear all the Accounts 
we have from the Indians are erronecufly made ufe of, to evince that 
there is no Streight in the Part that is contended for. Inftead of too 
fevere a Cenfure on the Credulity of others, we fhould be cautious that 
our Diffidence does not lead us into an unreafonable Incredulity, and 
prevent our ufing fuch Tcrcimony as is prefeni-ed to us fo candidly r,s 
we ought to do, and prevent cur getting a true Iniight into an Affair 
of fuch Importance ; and the utmoft that can be faid af it is, that it is a 
Point yet undetermined, whether there is a Norrh-M-eft Paiuge or not. 

As to the originrl ^jtXXzr oi de Fcn:e, v/e intereft ourfclves in the im- 
portant Matter it contains, and therefore become more fupicious and 


( 22 ) 

diffident, as to its Authenticity, than upon a due Ufe of our Reafon it 
will appear that we ought to be. As we have no Reafon, as is apparent 
from what hath been faid, that the original Letter fhould ever come to 
our Hands ; and if it appear, as we proceed, that it is rather to be at- 
tributed to inevitable Accidents, than there not having been fuch a Let- • 
ter, that we cannot attain any particular Information refpefting thereto. 
If it is confidcred that we have a Publication of fuch Letter, the Defi- 
ciencies in which are not, as it will appear, any other than the Errors 
of the Tranflator and Printer. That there are a great many concurring 
Circumftances in Support of and conformable with what the Letter con- 
tains. And the Account is compofed of fuch Particulars as exceed the In- 
duftry and Ingenuity of thofe who employ their Fancy in compofing 
ingenious Fidtions. Thefe various Branches of Evidence cannot be re- 
jefted, if we make a fair Judgment in this Matter : There muft be a 
Prepofleflion from common Fame, a Prejudice from a prior Opinion, 
or an Intereft and Defign to fupport a particular Syftem, that prevents 
our accepting of it, as a Probability next to a Certainty, of this being a 
true Account ; and there is only wanting, to our receiving it abfolutely 
as fuch, that the Copy be produced from which the Tranflation was 
made, or a full and compleat Evidence as to what is become of fuch 

Why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to the original Let- 
ter of de Fonte, appears from the Account, which fhews that the Court 
of Spain had a fecret Intelligence of this Undertaking. And as that 
Court would not openly declare that they had fuch an Information, or 
how they intended to defeat the Defign, the Orders fent, and confe- 
quently the Account of the Execution of thofe Orders, and whatever 
related thereto, v/ould be fecret Papers, and as fuch kept in a Manner 
that few Perfons would have a free Accefs ; and by thofe few who had, 
as the publick Bufinefs did not require it, might never be taken in 
Hand, unlefs they accidentally catched the Eye of fome who was parti- 
cularly curious. Thus neglefted, in a Century of Time it might not be 
known, if the Subjeft was revived, where they were depofited, and be- 
ing fo few in Number would take up but a fmall Space, which might 
make it diflicult to find them. 


( 23 ) 

The PoUtencfs and Civility which prevail in this Age, v/iil not admit 
of fuch a Complaifance to curious Inquirers as to gratify them in that, 
which, in Policy, from good Reafons of State, might as well be omit- 
ted. There are Inftances of late Difcoveries being made, as to the 
Whole of which, from particular Views, as it is faid, the Curious have 
not been gratified. And if this Expedition of de Fotite was remembered, 
and the Papers relating thereto could be brought to light, it might im- 
mediately encourage us to proceed on iBaking a further Attempt for the 
Difcovery of a North-weft Paflage, therefore we can have no Reafon to 
expeft the Court of Spain would aflift us with what might determine us 
to a Proceeding at which they muft take Umbrage, as we arc now be- 
come the only Power who fhare North America with them, from the 
Advantages that fuch a Difcovery would give us in cafe of a future 
Rupture between the two Crowns ; though our prefent Intention is to 
increafe our Commerce, by opening a Trade to Japan, and carrying on 
a Trade in a more advantageous Manner to China. 

"We cannot be aflured, if full Pe'rmifTion was given to find thefe Pa- 
pers, and more particular Pains and Application ufed, than is cufto- 
mary with People in publick Offices, when the Occafion of the Search 
being to little other Purpofe than fatisfying Curiofity, whether fuch 
Search might not be rendered unfuccefsful, by fuch Papers being burnt 
amongft many other State Papers, in the Fire in the Efcurialy the com- 
mon Depofitory for State Papers at that Time. 

If we confider the Changes that have happened, as to the Succeffion 
to the Crown of Spain, the Changes in the Miniftr)^, Foreigners intro- 
duced into their Miniftry, there muft have been many Particulars, not 
only of this but of other Kinds, which they are not at prefent acquainted 
with, the Miniftry having no Occafion to give themfelves any Concern 
about them. Don Olivarez, who v/as the Minifter at this 'J'ime, was 
known to do his Bufinefs by Juntos of particular People, as the Refo- 
lutions of Government thereby remained an inviolable Secret, which 
was not always the Cafe when the Bufinefs was managed by publick 
Councils. They alfo gave their Advice in a particular Manner, by 
written Billets, which were handed to the King, that every Thing was 
condu<fled in a very myfterious Manner during the Time that he was in 


( H ) 

the Miniftry, contrary to the former Pradice, and which was alfo dif- 
uled afterwards. 

If Inquiry hath been made by the moft intelligent amongil the Spa- 
niards as to this Expedition, and the Commands of the Monarch to make 
Difcovery of thefe Papers, and the Orders relating tliereto, have been 
duly executed, but they cannot be found, The R.eafons are apparent, 
the Voyage being fcarce fpoke of at theTime, went foon out of Remem- 
brance, and whatever may be in private Hands relating thereto, is not 
immediately recoUecled by the Pofleflbrs, and the Originals, if not fc- 
creted or miflaid, are burnt in the Efcurialm the Year 1671, the ufual 
Refidence of the Court, and therefore where this Letter may be fup- 
pofed to be received and lodged. For the Evidence relative to this 
•Account, which the Diftance of Time or other Accidents could not 
deface, yet remains. If de Fonte was Governor or Prefident of Chili^ 
from the Nature of his Office it muft appear, amongft fome Records 
or Inftruments of Writing, and we accordingly are informed, that 
there was a Perfon in that Office named Fuente, which is fynominous. 
That we have not more minute Particulars, is by reafon that the Ac- 
count is from thofe Parts where we have not a free and ready Accefs 
to make our Enquiries, and from a People, excepting a few Individuals, 
who are not very communicative to Foreigners. But where we have not 
laboured under the like Difadvantage, we have found that there was 
one Gibbons, alfo Shapley, Perfons exadtly circumftanced as the Letter 
mentions, upon the Authority of Records, the Tradition of antient 
Men, in thofe Parts where they had lived, and alfo other Accounts, fup- 
porting the Authenticity of this Letter, as will be Ihewn when we pro- 
ceed to confider of the Subjeft of the Letter. There is therefore jull: 
Reafon to conclude, was it poffible to have the like Pains taken in Ne-iv 
Spain or Peru, we might meet with Particulars refpefting this Matter, 
which would put the Truth of this Account out of all Doubt -, and 
any Failure in the Inquiries there, may be owing to their not having 
been made with an equal Induftry, and which it is not in our Power 
to procure in thofe Parts fo diftant and inacceifable. 

The Circumftances of the Inhabitants of Bofto7t, and the neighbouring 
Provinces, during thisPeriod of Time fmce the Expedition oide Fonte, have 
been very different, they have not been fubjefted to the like fatal Accidents 

Q with 

( 25 ) 

with the People of Lima, and that Neighbourhood, who feveral Times have 
had their City laid in Ruins, and almoft entirely depopulated by Earth- 
quakes, particularly in Jpril 1687, and in the Year 1746. The Build- 
ings becoming an entire Heap of Ruins, and many People perifhing, 
muft leffen the Force of Tradition, and afFeft, in fonic fort, the pub- 
lick Records ; and if the Marine Office was at the Calloa of Lma, the 
Calloa having been twice overwhelmed by the Sea, then there is no 
Reafon to expedt from New Spain an authenticated Account of the 
Equipment of this Fleet under the Command of Admiral de Fonte. 

Thofe who argue againfi: the Authenticity of this Account, muft ad- 
mit that he was a Perfon of Capacity and Abilities who compofed it, 
and fhould afTign us fome Reafon, if a Fiftion, why a fenfible Perfon 
Ihould undertake it, as there could be no Inducement either in Point 
of Reputation or Profit : For, if a Fi6lion, it is neither entertaining or 
inftruftive. Neither can any political Motive be urged for this Under- 
taking, as the Subjed muft then have been treated in a Manner entirely 
different •, fo managed as to fhew that a North-weft PalTage was abfo- 
lutely impraflicable, and to let nothing be introduced that would afford 
the leaft Incitement to Adventurers to come into thofe Parts. But it 
is apparent, that in this Account the Fafts are related in a plain and 
fimple Manner, without any Violation of Truth, as they are related 
without any Confideration of their Confequences. The Reprefentations 
made, as to the Tides, as to the different Sorts of Fifh that came into 
the Waters from Weftward and Eaftward, would have been an Encou- 
ragement to a further Trial as to a N-orth-weft PafTage, had fuch Ac- 
count been publifhed ; and if the Phasnomena as to the Tides, and the 
Difference as to the Fifli, was not from its communicating with the South 
Sea, and the Attempt had proved fuccefslefs as to the Difcovery of a 
North-weft PalTage, yet to countervail, in foxne Meafure, that Difap- 
pointment, there was a Profpeft of a lucrative Trade, in all Appearance 
to be carried on in thofe Weftern Parts where de Fonte is reprefented to 
have been in, with greater Convenience than that which had been car- 
ried on by the Bojlon People from the Eaft before and at this Time in 
Hudfonh Bay, and the Englijh might be invited, if fuccefsful iji their 
Trading, to make a Settlement, an Event which the Spaniards were ap- 

E prelienfiye 

( 26 ) 

•prelienfive of, and earneftly defirous to prevent. Thefe are Defefts 
■which tlie Capacity and Abilities of the Author would not permit him 
to run into, if he ^vas v/riting a fiftitious Account, as he muft eafily fee 
that fuch Reprefentations to deftroy the Notion of a North-weft Paffage, 
and prevent the Englijfj fettling there, were abfolutely contrary to his 
Purpofe. To give a greater Plaufibility to a fidlitious Tale, the Scene 
may be laid in diftant Parts, by this Means introducing, more fecurely. 
Names and Charafters of Perfons as real who never were ; and though 
this Account mentions Perfons who lived at a great Diftance, and in an 
obfcure Part, yet there were fuch Perfons as the Account mentions. 
Alfo the Period of Time when this Voyage was performed, fo corref- 
ponds with their Tranfaftions, as the Author could fix on no other Pe- 
riod fo agreeing with the Circumftance of Major Gibbons being lb long, 
and at that very Time, abfent from home ; and his Abfence can be at- 
tributed to no other Caufe than his being out on a Voyage. Here is 
more Plainnefs and Confiftency than is ufual in Fiction, with fuch a Va- 
riety of Particulars, and fo circumftanced, as would perplex the moft 
pregnant Fancy to invent, which can be no Way fo naturally accounted 
for as by admitting tliat the Letter contains a genuine Account of a 
Voyage made by Admiral de Fonte, not a Forgery to fupport political 
Views ; or that it is the Produftion of a fporting Fancy to contraft fome 
other Performance, or in order to expofe the Credulous to publick 

The Editors of this Letter, whofe Bufmefs it was to know whether 
this Account was authentick, gave an entire Credit to it as being au- 
thentick, not only as they allured the Publick in a general Way, and 
with refpeft to all their Pieces tliat they fhould pubHfh, that they would 
only exhibit fuch as were of unqueftionable Authority, but by their an- 
nexing an Advertifement to the Letter, have given us a particular Af- 
furance of the' Account being authentick ; and we have juft Reafon to 
conclude they could have given us that further Satisfo6lion we now de- 
fire •, but what they have done was thought by them fufficient, as they 
had no Idea of the Importance of the Subject. They comprehended not 
further of this Account, Than that it contained many cwious and unknown 
Difcoveries •, a7id they humbly prefumed, being Strangers to any further 
Merit that it had, thai it would not, on that Account, be unacceptable to 
4 the 

( 27 ) 

eBe Publick. Had this Letter been publifhed at a Time a North-weO: 
PafTage was under Confideration of the Publick, there mio^ht be fome 
Sufpicion that the Editors had fome further Defign. But as to a North- 
weft PafTage after the Voyage of Captain Ja77teSy and after the Dilcovery 
was entrufted to a Company, and no Succefs confequent, it was gene- 
rally received, many Years before this Letter was publiflied, that to 
find fuch a PafTage was a Thing imprafticable. The Opinion of there 
being fuch a PafTage was treated as a Chimera : And the Affair of a 
" North-wefl PafTage lay in a State of Silence and Oblivion near thirty 
Years after the Publication was made. We may obferve, that there is 
no Art in the Compofition of this Advertifement ; it was inferted by 
Men of Honour and Veracity, who had no other Intention in publifli- 
ing thefe Memoirs than the Advancement of Science ; who, from their 
general Knowledge, could not be impofed on, and cannot, from their 
known Charafters, be fuppofed to have a Defign to impofe on others. 
And what further or other Evidence than that which they have o-iven 
could be expected from the Editors, unlefs they had been acquainted 
with the Importance which the Letter now appears to be of? It was all 
that was at that Time necefTary, as they did not expeft that there would 
be any invidious Imputation of Forgery, for then they would have vin- 
dicated it from all Sufpicion in a more particular Manner than tliey have 
done. They thought it a fufficient Proof of its Authenticity their re- 
ceiving it into their Colieftion. As to that mean Refledion that this 
Account is a Forgery of fome Englifauian, it is thoroughly obviated if 
we confider on what a Foundation fuch a Suppofition muft be grounded, 
v/hich is. That Ibme Englijlman compofed this Account, tranflated it into 
SpaniJJj, though there were but few and very indifferent Linguifts at that 
Time in England^ to be again tranflated by the Editors, the better to 
impofe on them and the Publick. The Publick is a Name which com- 
prehends many Perfons of Curiofity and Sagacity, for whom chiefly thefe 
Memoirs were publiflied -, and by thefe Perfons, as well as by ail others, 
the Account was received at that Time as genuine, without the leafl 
Sufpicion of there being any Fraud or Impofture.. 

The principal Object or Defign of the Publication was, that the Ac- 
count contained a Difcovery made of thofe Parts, as to the Knowledge of 
which the Geographers were at that Time very deficient ; and the Editors 

E z. baina 

( 28 ) - 

being fatisfied as to the Authenticity, all they thought neceflary was to 
give a Tranflation of the i.etter. And, from their Avocations to their 
own private Affairs, did not confider it in fo minute a Manner as it re- 
quired, as is plain from their Apology. made as to the Stile of the Let- 
ter, not being altogether fo polite, being vjrote like' a Man ivhofe Livelihood 
depended on another IVay, and with an Abundance of Experience. Whereas 
the Politenefs of Stile would have been an abfolute Objedion as to the 
Authenticity of the Account. That as it was a Letter wrote by Ad- 
miral de Fonte to lay before the Court of Spain, what had pafled in the 
Courfe of the Voyage, though de Fonte might exprefs himfelf in pro- 
per and well chofen Terms, yet he was to ufe a Stile that was natural 
and fimple. On the feveral Lights in which the Editors have been con- 
fidered, as to the Part which they undertook, it muft appear that they 
are unjuftly reproached with Want of Integrity ; they afted confiftently, 
havincr no Occafion to fay more with refpeft to this Account than they 
have done. Their Negleft was not from Want of Penetration or Defign. 
Their genuine Cliarafters were fuch as they could not fuppofe it would 
be ever fufpefted, that they could have any Inducement to impofe a 
fpurious Account on the Publick. 

Thofe who cenfure this Account of de Fonte as a Cheat and a Forgery 
impofed by Ibme one on the World, have produced no Evidence from 
Fads, or uro-ed any Thing to fhew the Improbability of this Account ; 
as to the Argument they fo ftrongly infift on that the Original was never 
■produced, it is highly improbable that the Original ever fliould be pro- 
duced in thefe Parts •, and there is a Uniformity in the Circumftance 
that a Copy only came to the Hands of the Editors, which turns the 
Argument againft the Objedors. The Sufpicion of there being any 
Deceit or Forgery, hath arofe from there having been different Syftems 
advanced by Geographers refpccling thefe Parts : Thole in whofe Syftem 
this Account is not adopted have been the Occafion of fuch Sufpicions 
ijeing raifed, and have given fome Countenance to fuch their Sufpicions 
from the imperfeft Manner in which this Account hath been exhibited ; 
though that is not to be attributed to the Account in its genuine Drefs, 
but as broken and disfigured by the Tranflator and Printer. The Gloffes 
and Comments added by the Perfon who took the Copy, and thofe added 
by the Tranflator in Explanation of the Text, are inferted in the fame 


( 29 ) ^ 

Charafler, and without any Diftinftion from the Text, and thofe by the 
Tranflator ignorantly introduced. Marginal Notes are inferted as Part, 
of the Narration -, Courfes are omitted ; others miftaken from the Tran- 
flator's Inattention to the Spatiijh Compafs ; Dates mifplaced by the Prin- 
ter : The Tranflator alio deviates from the Mode of Expreffion, and 
renders, in an inaccurate, confufed and obfcure Manner, a very mate- 
rial Part in this Account. Many of thefe Faults we may attribute to 
Precipitation, from the Tranflator wanting due Time to fludy the Let- 
ter, occafioncd by a Perfecution of the Printer, who prelTed him to 
finifli that the Printer might compleat his monthly Number, and, from 
the fame NeceiTity, the immediate Publication, it may be that the Faults 
of the Prefs are fo many. Such numerous Defeds make it evident that 
this Account could never have been originally conftruifled in this Man- 
ner ; and it is on thefe Defefts only that they rely, or from which their 
principal Arguments are drawn to invalidate the Authenticity of this 
Account. They might have perceived that a Relation, fo mutilated 
and impaired, mufl have had a more uniform or regular Shape at one 
Time or other : And the Editors, in their Index, when tiie Year's Num- 
bers were compleated, ftile it an original and very entertaining Letter of 
Admiral de Fonte, by which they mean for the Curious ; and by ftiling 
it an Original, they are not only to be underftood that it was never be- 
fore publifhed, but alfo that it was wrote by de Fonte ; which implies 
that they had a Spanijh Account, and of which, as being confiftent with 
their Purpofe, they gave only a Tranflation : Alfo the ImprelTion of the 
firft Part, being fo uncon-eft and full of Faults, the fecond Part more 
correft, and the Mode of Expreffion refumed, fliews that the firft Com- 
pofition is not their own, but that it is a Tranflation v/hich the Editors 
have given us. The Defects and Imperfeftions of which being pointed 
out, we fhall comprehend what little Reafon there is to difpute the Au- 
tlienticity of this Account, from the Disfigurements which have pre- 
vented our feeing it in its proper Shape, and for ilifpecting thofe Perfons 
to be Authors of the Fiction who m.eant well ; but their Fault confifled 
in their Inattention to the Tranflator, who did not therefore give a fuc- 
cefsful Conclufion to their good Defign, as by rendering the Account 
obfcure and unintelligible, he afforded Matter for Cavil and Difpute as 
to this Account of the Voyage, whether credible or not, and ^^ hich a 
juit Tranflation would have confirmed to be true. 

I As 

( 30 ) 

As to the Name Bartholomew de Fonte, we may obferve that when the 
Tranflator can render the Names in the SpaniJIj by Engliflo Names which 
are anfwerable thereto, he doth not infert the Spaniflj Names, but the 
Englijlo. Thus, as to the Ships, he calls one the King Philip ; but when 
they cannot be rendered by a refembling Denomination in the Englijh, 
and the Name hath its Original from the LcJin, he pafles by the new 
Name, or as it is wrote in the Spanijh, and gives us the antient Name,, 
or according to the Latin St. Spiritits, St. Lucia, Ro/aria, for de EfpiritU- 
Santo, Santa Lucia., del Rofaria. Hath rendered Bartholomew de Fonte, 
Philip de Ronquillo both in Etiglijh and Latin. From which Manage- 
ment of the Tranflator, in giving the Name according to the Latin and 
not giving it as it hath been transformed or changed agreeable to the 
SpaniJJj Orthography, there isjuftReafon to conclude the Name which 
is here rendered Fonte, was Fiiente or Fuentes in the Original. But if it 
was wrote Fonte, it was in the provincial DialecJT-, different from the 
Manner of writing the good Writers introduced, v/hich did not immedi- 
ately prevail in all Parts alike, but was gradually received. For Infhance, 
they wrote Fuenterabia in Cajlile, when the Bifcayners continued to write 
Fonterabia ; and it is as often fpelt the one Way as the other in our 
Books and Maps. 

Fuente and Fuentes are not of one Termination. Fonte or Fuente, in 
the Titles of the Marquis Aguila de Fuente, lb in de Fuente de Almexi, is 
of the fmgular Number, or the Title is taken from the Water of Ahnexi.. 
But Fuentes, in the Titles of the Marquis de Fuentes, and in Conde Fuentes 
de Valde Pero, or oi Don Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuentes, fxpreffcs a plu- 
ral Number,, which the Tranflator, through his Indifference as to the 
Subjeft which he was employed to tranflate, might not obferve. 

Don Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuentes was raifed to the Honour of beino- 
a Grandee by Philip the Tlurd, in the Year 1615, in refpeft to his oreat 
Services in the Wars.; was defcended from a Branch of that illuftrious 
Family the Enriques. Nine of which Family were luccefTively Admirals 
oiCaJiile; and the ninth, Don Joan Alonfo Enriques, was in that high 
Poft at the Time of this Expedition. There were Intermarriages be- 
tween tlie Families of Enriques and Valafco ; and Don Pedro was fuc- 
ceeded in his Eftate and Title by Don Luis de Haro, of the principal 


( 31 ) 

Houfe of Valafco^ and Son-in-Law to T>cn OUic.rcz. Thefe Circum- 
ftances coniidered, we have a further Reafon to fufpeft that the Name 
de Fonte is not duly rendered by the Tranflator, as there is a Confiftency 
in a Relation of the Conde de Fuentes being advanced to be Admiral of 
Neiv Spain and Peru, which coincides with what is reported from Ne-jj 
Spain, of*the Name htmgFuentes of thePeribn who v/as Prefident o( Chili. 
It was alfo apparent that de Fonte was a Man of Family, from thofe who 
took the refpedlive Commands under him. PenneloJJ'n, of whom more 
particular mention is made in the Letter : Philip de Ronquillo, feemingly 
allied to John de Ronquillo, who did confiderable Service in the Year 
1 617, and was Governor of the Philippine Iflands. There was alfo P^cn- 
quillo a Judge, fent to reduce the Infurgents at the City of Segovia, in 
the Time of the Civil Wars in Spain. Pedro de Bonardce, wlio is after- 
wards called Captain Barnarda: Of him we muft have the leaft to fay, 
and we could not expe6t to be any Way fuccefsful in our Inquiries from 
this Inaccuracy. He feems not to have had fo diftinguilhed an AUiance 
as the others, and employed on this Expedition on the Account ot his 
Abilities, being allotted to a Service not like that of PenneloJJa, or Ron- 
quillo, diiagreeable in refpeft to the Climate, fatiguing and hazardous. 
That he was a Gentleman by his Defcent, is evident from his being 
named de Bonardee, 

The Spanijh Fleet was but in a mean Condition at the Conclufion of 
the Miniftry of the Duke of Lerma ; but when an Expedition was fet 
out to recover St. Salvador in the Year 1626, was much improved -, the 
Portuguefe had twenty-fix Sail, but the Spanijh Fleet were now numerous. 
It doth not appear that the Fleets from Lijbon, when Portugal was un- 
der the Crown of Spain, were fent otherwhere than to the Eajl Indies, 
Brazil, and the Perlieus ; and thoie from Old Spain, that failed from 
Cadiz, went to Neiv Spain, and the Iflands vinder that Dominion. In 
the Year 1596, when Sir Francis Drake took Cadiz, he burnt the Fleet 
that was lying there bound for Mexico ; and Mr. Gage, in the Year 
1625, failed with a Fleet of fixteen Sail, all for Mexico, and to the 
Weft Indies feventeen Sail, befides eight Galleons for a Convoy, all 
under two Spanijh Admirals. 


( 32 ) 

The Inconfiftency that de Fonte, a Portugueze, fhould be in fuch a 
Pofl as yldmh-al of New Sj)ain, a great Objeftion to the Authenticity of 
this Account, is removed by the Obfervations that have been made as 
to the Name de Fonte, by which it appears that he was not a Portugueze, 
and their having Sea Commanders, Spaniards by Birth, with whom they 
could fupply the principal Pofts in the Marine, without being under the 
Neceffity of applying to Portugal for Perlbns qualified to fill thofe 

As to de Fonte being afterwards Prefident of Chili, it is meant of the 
Aiidieiice of Cbili, fubordinate to the Viceroy of Peru. 


O N 

The LETTER of Admiral D E F O N T E, 

TH E Viceroys of New Spain and Peru, having Advice from the 
Court of Spain, and not from (iie Court and the Council of Spain ; 
which latter is the common Form of Expreflion ufed in any Matter 
which had been under the Confideration of the Supreme Council of the 
Indies, implies that fuch Advice muft have proceeded from the Secret 
Council, or from the King through his Minifter, that the Defign of 
the Equipment of the four Ships, and the Attempt of the Induftrious 
Navigators from Bojlon might remain a Secret. 

The Appellation of Induftrious Navigators was conformable to the 
Characters of Gibbons and Shapley. Sir Thomas Button, in the Extraft 
which there is from his Journal, gives Gibbons a great Eulogium as to 
his iDemg an able Navigator ; and tlus was the Charafter of Shapley 
amongft his Cotemporaries. 

The Court of Spain knew that this Attempt to difcover a Paflage 
between the Atlantick and the Weftern Ocean, was intended by the North- 
ward and Weftward ; and though they allude to all the Attempts to 
make fuch Difcovery which had been at any Time made, by mention- 
ing the feveral Reigns in which any fuch Attempts were made, yet they 
hint more particularly, that they exped tiiis Attempt will be by Hudfon's 
Bay, as they mention exprefly in their Advice the two Voyages of Hud- 
fon and James. For Aviiat is here faid, "That the feveral Attempts, &c. is 
a Recital from the Advice fent by the Court to the Viceroys, or from 
the Orders that de T'cnte received. 

P This 

( 34 ) 

This Expedition from Bofion particularly commanded the Attention ^ 
of the Court of Spahiy as Captain Jaines had not abfolutely denied there 
was a North-weft PalTage -, and Fox, thougli not mentioned here, had- 
publiflied an Account in 1635, by which he had pofitively declared 
that there was a North-weft Paftage ; and Sir Thomas Button, who kept 
his Journal a Secret, was very confident of a Paffage, and is laid to 
have fatisfied King James the Firft. The Death of his Patron Prince 
Henry prevented his being fitted out again. Gibbons^ his Intimate, had 
made the Voyage with him : Afterwards had made a fecond Attempt by- 
himf-lf, but loft his Scafon by being detained in the Ice.^ And now, 
though a married Man, had a Family, a Perfon in Truft and Power 
where he refided, engages in a third Attempt from Bojlon. 

The fecond, third, and fourth Tear of the Reign, of King Charles refers 
folely to the Voyage of Captain James ; to the Time he was engaging 
Friends to fit him out; and the Time when fuch Voyage was concluded on. 
As the Englip ufed the Julian, and the Spaniards the Gregorian Account, 
thefe Traniaftions which refer to Captain James's Expedition, could not 
be made to coalefce as to the Time, from the Difference there was be- 
tween thefe two Computations, in any other Manner than by putting 
the Year of the King of England's Reign. As King Charles began his 
Reign the 27th of March 1625, two Days after the Commencement 
of the Year, according to the Julian Account, and the fecond Year of 
his Reign would not begin until the of March 1626, two Days 
-.iUo after that Year commenced, but according to the Grego7-ian Ac- 
count, the Year 1626 began in Ja7iuary ; from the ift of January to 
the zjihoi March, the Year 1626, according to the G?vj-(?r/^?/ Account, 
would correfpond with the firft Year of the Reign of King Charles. As 
to this Expedition from Bofion, it is mentioned to be in the Year 1639, 
and in the fourteenth Year of die Reign of King Charles ; but the Year 
1639, according to the 'Julian Account, is the fifteenth Year of that 
King's Reign •, but according to tht Gregorian Account, the Year 1639 
correfponds from January, to March with the fourteenth Year of that 
King's Reign. 

The Times mentioned in this Letter do not refer to the Times when 

the Voyages were adually fet out on, but v/hen undertaken or refolved 

2 en. 

( 35 ) 

on, as it Is exprefled in the Letter, undertaken by fome induftrious Na~ 
vigators from Bojion. Captain James did not fail until the Year one 
Thoufand fix Hundred and Thirty-one, not getting the King's Protect 
tion early enough in one Thoufand fix Hundred and Thirty, to proceed 
that Year, or in the fourth Year of the King's Reign. That is, he did 
not get it early enough in Spring to be ready by the latter End of 
March, as he muft have been to proceed that Year -, fo the fourth Year 
of the King well agrees with this Proceeding. And de Fonte did not fail 
until one Thoufand fix Hundred and Forty, which was a Year after the 
Court of Spain had received Intelligence of fuch Undertaking from BoJlon. 
Which they would ufe the firft Opportunity to tranfmit to New Spain ; de 
Fonte therefore had at leaft fix Months for the Equipment of the four 
Ships to go on this Expedition ; a Time fufiicient, in fo fine a Climate, 
and every Thing that was neceflary to be done was enforced by Orders of 
the Crown. Had this Equipment been executed in a much fmaller Space 
of Time, there would have been nothing fo admirable in it : There- 
fore the Objeftion, as to the Impoflibility that Ships Ihould be fitted be- 
tween the Time the Court received this Information, and their failing, 
drops to the Ground. 

It is not any way ftrange that this Defign, as it appears to have been, 
was made known to the Court of Spain the Year before that it was fet 
out on ; as that Court entertained a continual Jealoufy of thefe Under- 
takings, as is apparent from their fending Veflels to irftercept Bavis ; 
their having Informations as to Captain J^wd'/s Voyage alfo, and the 
Confequences of it, as may be collefted from, this Letter. 

Major General Gilbons, if he had not the King's Protedion, yet he 
had Friends at the Court of England who made Application for him to 
be Captain of the Fort at Boften, and one of the Council, the latter End 
of the Year one Thoufand fix Hundred and Thirty-eight, or in the Begin- 
ning of the Year one Thouland fix Hundred and Thirty^nlne. That the 
nioft fecret Affairs of the Court were at that Time betrayed, I believe 
will be admitted, and the Secret of his defigned Attempt might be known, 
by his applying for Leave of Abfence from his Poft during the Time that 
he fliould be engaged in this Undertaking. Or the Perfons with whom he 

F 2 cor- 

( 36 ) 

correfponded in England might be apprized of his intended Vo yage, as 
he could not, at that Time of Day, be fupplied with every Thing that 
was ncceflary thereto in America ; and as he intended to trade, he would 
be for procuring his Goods from England. By fome of thefe Means pro- 
bably his Defign perfpired, and was fecretly and unexpededly, tranfmit- 
ted to the Court of Spain. 

There are feveral Reafons to be affigned why both Viceroys fhould 
be informed, not only the Viceroy of Peru., in whofe Diftridl the Ships 
were to be fitted, but the Viceroy of New Spain alfo. That if a PafTage 
was made by any other Way than where the Ships were to be ftationed 
to intercept the Bofton Men, or they accidentally pafied fuch Ships, the 
Viceroys might order a Look-out alfo to be kept. And fuch a Provifion 
being made, it would be fcarce poffible, if a Paflage was obtained, that the 
Bojion People fhould get clear out of thofc Seas, and not fall into the 
Hands of the Spaniards. Another Reafon is, that fuch Particulars as de 
Fonte was to put in for on the Coaft of Mexico might be ready, that de 
Fonte might not meet with the leaft Delay, as fuch Delay might occafion 
the Difappointment of his Defign. 

The Letter proceeds, ' Upon which, I Admiral de Fente, received 
' Orders from Spain and the Viceroys to equip four Ships of Force.' 
Thefe Words, upon zvhichy I underftand not to allude to the Advice 
given the Viceroys, but refer to the Attempt intended from Bojion, and 
as to which he had received his Orders from Spain. But from the Vice- 
roys he received Orders only as to the Equipment of tlie four Ships, as 
Orders of that Nature would regularly proceed from them. If it was 
otherwife, and he had alfo received his Orders from them, Gen^aining 
Inftru<aions as to the Condu6l of his Voyage, he would have made his 
Report to the Viceroys as to the Manner in which he had conducted his. 
Voyage, and they would have reported it to the Court, 

De Fonte mentioning the Viceroys fo fimply and plainly, v/ithout any 
rcfpeftful or diftinguifhing Additions, is an Inftance that this Letter was 
wrote to the Court of Spain, it not being proper, in a Letter fo ad- 
drefled, to mention the Viceroys in any other Manner j and as it is alfo 
evident from the Exprefilon, / Admiral d,e Fonte, that he did not write- 


( 37 ) 

this Letter in his private Capacity, but as an Admiral, therefore this 
Letter could not be otherwhere addreffed than to fuch Court, to tranf- 
mit an Account how he had executed thefe Orders, which he had 
received immediately from Spain. 

De Fonte mentioning that the Advice which the Viceroys received was 
from the Court oi Spain, and that the Orders he received were from Spain, 
carries a Diftinftion with it as though the Advice and the Orders were 
not tranfmitted from the fame Perfons. Thofe who tranfmitted the Ad- 
vice to the Viceroys were not feemingly in the Secret, as to the parti- 
cular Orders or Inftruftions which were fent to de Fonfe, as to the Man- 
ner in which he was to conduft his Voyage. It was the Province of the 
Admiral of Cajiile, who was ftiled Captain General of the Sea, who was 
fubje<5t to no Controul but the King's, to iffue all Orders relative to 
maritime Affairs, and therefore de Fonte'?, Orders might come from him. 
Or otherwife thefe Orders were immediately tranfmitted by the Conde de 
OUvarez, who was on ill Terms with the Admiral, and regarded no 
Forms, under the Sanftion of the Favour he had with the King, whom 
he influenced to authorize all his Meafures. It is alfo confiftent with the 
Conduit of Don Olivarez that this Affair fhould be managed in this 
Manner, who was always myfterious, confided in his own Judgment, 
fmgular in his Manners, and therefore was called a Lover of Projects, 
and fuppofed a meer Vifionary in fome of them. He did not want for 
Perfons of the greateft Abilities to afTift him, and the Accuracy with which 
the Orders are compofed that were fent to de Fonte, (as may be colledted 
from the Manner in which the Voyage is conduced, and in which it 
cannot be fuppofed de Fonte was left to his Difcretion) is an Inftance 
there had been no Want of the Affiftance of able, fagacious and expe- 
rienced Perfons in the compofing of fuch Orders and Inftrudtions. . 

The Defign of this introduftory Part is to fhew the Proceedings in this 
Affair previous to his Voyage ; that the Advice was received, and the 
Orders fubfequent were obeyed ; and it is drawn with peculiar Care and . 
a Concifenefs which would be cenfured in a Voyage Writer, but is ufed . 
with the greateft Propriety on this Occafion. 

The Names of the Ships are agreeable to the Manner that the Spa- 
mards% name theirs; dnd by Ships of Force is not meant either their 
Caracks or Galeons, but Country Ships, which the Equipment feems to ■ 

3 i"^p'y? 

( 3S ) 

imply, made defenfible againft any Attacks of the Natives, and to have 
nothing to fear from the Bofion Men, and thefe Ends could be ob- 
• tained in Veflels which had no great Draught of Water, as the Rivers 
they were to pafs up and the Lakes required, and of a Tonnage fuitablc 
to thofe Northern Seas, therefore de Fonte only expreffes their Names, 
and their Commanders, fays nothing of their Rates. 

Be Fonte, in his Courfe from the Callao oi Lima, and in allhis fub- 
fequent Courfes through the Voyage, computes his Diftance after the 
Marine Manner, from that Land from where he takes his Departure to 
the Land made when he enters a Harbour, or the Termination of the 
Land which makes fuch Harbour to Seaward ; and here takes his De- 
parture from the extreme Part of the Callao of Lima, which is in the 
Latitude ii° 5' S. Longitude 80° 39' W. and from which to St.Helenay 
being North of the Bay of Guiaguil, in Lat. 2° 5' S. Long. 84° 6' W. is 
two hundred Leagues ; and there is no Fault in die Imprefllon, as hath 
been fuppofed. Though thefe Words, on the North Side of the Bay of 
Guiaguil Jcem to be an Interpolation. 

The Diftance faid to be run between the Callao of Lima and St. He- 
Jena is not reconcileable with the Accounts publifhed hy Datnpier, Wood 
Rogers, or the Accounts in general, excepting with a Copy of a Spanijh 
Manufcript, of the Latitudes and Longitudes of the moft noted Places 
in the South Seas, correfted from the lateft Obfervations, by Manuel 
Monz. Prieto, Profeffor of Arts in Peru, whofe Computation of Longi- 
tude is from the Meridian of Paris ; but he fixes Li?na at full eighty 
Degrees. Luie PnV/o's Tables in this, and principally in all my fubfe- 
quent Computations, tliough de Fonte no where mentions the Longi- 
tude in this Letter, as he only regards the Difference of the Meri- 
dian of Lima, And it by no Means invalidates but favours the Authen- 
ticity of this Account, that de Fonte differs in his Computation from the 
Englijfj zni\ F^^nch Accounts at, and after thofe Times, which alfo differ 
from each other, as they only ranged along the Goafts of thofe Seas, 
judged of their Diftances according to their Journals,, and muft have 
made many vague Obfervations, as to the Latitude of Places, by In- 
fpeflion of the Land from Sea, and which Land they might not cer- 
tainly know. Their beft Diredlions they got from Manufcript Journals, 


( 39 ) 

1^ Sea Waggontrs, tompoTcd for their own Ufe by Coafters. But the 
^jHivigatmg of the King's Ships were better provided for in this refpeft j 
and we may well fuppoie that de Eonie was not, on this Occafion, defi- 
cient in Artifts well verfed in -the Theory as well as the Pradtice of Na- 
vigation, and under this Charafter of an Artift we may confider Pa}-- 
■meniiirs; The Truth,' as ro the Latitude, once fixed is not variable by- 
Time •, ^id in this refpedt de FoUe and Prieto muft agree, though a 
Century between thfc Time of their Computations. 

The Expreflion, ' anchored in the Port of St. Helena (in Spanijh'^ Santa. ' 
'^' Elena) within the Cape ' hath fomething more particular in it tlian 
appears on a tranfient View. The Point of St. HeUna is thus defcribed 
in the failing Direftions in the Atlas Maritimus, publifhed in lyiS. ' The 

* Point itfelf is high, but as you come nearer in there is a lower Point 
' runs out fliarpening towards the Sea.' And there are two diftindt An- 

* chorages within this Port, one within the lower Point, here Veffels ride 

* without Shelter, and amongfl; Banks and Shoals. Under the hio-h 
'Land, there is the other Anchorage, deep Water, and fecure ridincr.' 
Under this high Land, being called the Port within the Cape, is a Di- 
flinftion which I do not find made by the Voyage Writers, or in any 
other of the failing Diredlicns for thefe Parts tliat I have feen ; and de ■ 
Fxnte pardculai-ly mentions, as it may be fuppofcd, being in Confor- 
mity with his Inftru^lions. . 

De Fonte taking in the Betumen mufl have been in' purfuance of his 
Inftruv-xions, and there provided for him by Order of the Viceroy. • 

That which follov/s, called vulgarly Tar, ^c. feems to be an Interpo- 
lacicn, or additional Comment, though not diftinguilhed as fuch ; and 
it m.ay be obleived here is a different Mode of Expreflion, and a Want 
of that Concifenefs whioh apparently precedes. If with thefe Words took 
a Quantity of Betumen.,. we conned on the lothwepajfed the EqtnnoSial, * 
then that Coticifenefs and Simplicity of the -Narration is preferved. It . 
is. inconfiftent that de Fonte fhouid inform the Court, that it v/as not for 
Want of Tar that he pat into this Port, and that he did not procure 
this Betumen to uic inftead of Tar, hut to make Ufe of it as ?4edicine. 
The taking the Betumen aboard fufficiently intimated his Compliance' 


( 40 ) 

■with his Inftructions. The Exprefllon, we took it in for Medicine^ hath 
■fomething particular in it, feems to be a Note or Memorandum added 
by feme Perfon who made the Voyage, to inftruft a Friend for whom 
he made, or to whom he gave, a Copy of this Letter. 

The one Degree feven Minutes of Latitude is mifplaced. Cape St. 
Francifco being by no Geographers or Voyage Writers placed in that 
Latitude ; the one Degree feven Minutes is the Latitude of the River 
St. Jago-, and which Prieto lays down in one Degree eight Minutes. 

As to the Courfes and Diftances eighty Leagues N. N. W. and twenty- 
five Leagues E. and by S. which were placed in the Margin in the firft 
Edition, but are fmce crept into the Text. N. N. W. is a Courfe en- 
tirely contrary, and inftead of one there is two Courfes, North and 
North Eaft, and which two Courfes are confiftent with the E. and by S. 
Courfe twenty-five Leagues, as that Courfe will then terminate in the 
Latitude and Longitude of the River Jago. This Error of North Weft 
for North Eaft may be accounted for by remarking, that in the SpaniJIj 
Compafs North Eaft and North Weft are rendered Nord EJle and Nord 
Oejie : The Omiffion of the O in ejte is a Fault which may be commit- 
ted even by a careful Tranfcriber, or may be a Miftake in the Tranda- 
tor, for Want of due Attention to the Compafs. 

In the PafTage from St. Helena he would keep the Coaft aboard, for 
the Benefit of a fair and frefh Wind, and which he would have without 
any Interruption from the Land Breezes, and by ftanding N.W. to 
clear the Iflands of Solango and Paita, and then ftand North Eafterly 
v/ould form a North Courfe of one Hundred and Thirty-two Miles, or 
forty-four Leagues, and then be off Cape PaJJao., in N. Lat. 8'. Long. 
83° 59' W. and well in with fuch Cape, as it is evident he was from 
the Expreffion in the Letter by the Cape del P^.ffao with a North Eaft 
Courfe, thirty-fix Leagues, they would be in Lat. 1° 23' North, Long. 
82° 5c', and fo have pafl^ed Cape Francifco, N. Lat. 50', Long. 82" c^c,'., 
and with an Eaft and by South Courfe twenty-five Leagues, would be in 
the Lat. 1° 8', Long. Si° 36', the Latitude and Longitude of the River 
5/. Jago. 


( 41 ) 

There was not fuch a Provifion Country, it appeats from later Ac- 
counts, on any Part of the Coaft between this and Lima; nor could the 
Ships be any where brought up with greater Safety : St. Helena is de- 
fcribed as a poor and barren Part of the Country. 

The Health of his People, liable to fcorbutick Diforders in the nor- 
thern Climates whither he was going, was an Objeft that muft be at- 
tended to, in order that the Voyage fhould meet with the defired Suc- 
cefs. Therefore after the Betumen, he recruits what he had confumed of 
his frefh Provifion in his run from Lima, and lays in a great additional 
Store, as is apparent if we confider that their Confumption in this re- 
fpeft is not proportionable to ours, from their Mode of drefllng it. And 
we may judge from having fo great a Qiuntity of Fowl ready, with 
Goats and Hogs, the People had received Orders to be thus provided 
againft the Ships Arrival; the Sailors would be a great Affiftance 
in curing the Provilions, the Flefh as well as the Fifh, and v/ould do 
it in the moft fuitable Manner for the Sea Service ; a Number of 
Hands, gave an Expedition fo as the Provifions would not be fpoiled 
by the Heat of the Sun ; and his Victualling detained de Font^ four 

Six Miles and a half, or the Left Hand the River is navigable for fmall 
Vejfels, and all that follows feems by Way of Comment, and to be a 
fpurious Interpolation, as alfo, 'vjhich are there wild and in plenty. 

' The 1 6th oi April we failed from the River of St. J ago to the Port 
' and Town i?i2/^(7, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a httle weltei-ly, in about 
* II Decrees i4Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount St. Miguel, Szc' 

' The Point of Teaxos, or the Sandy Strand, in Lat. 11° 5S', Long. 
93° 31', which covers the Port of Rale {ox Realejo) is three Hundred 
and twenty Leagues from the River St. Jago ; but the Courfe N. 47° 
30' W. orN. W. almoft a Quarter Weft, and by the Expreffion -<3 A'/^/f 
Welierly, the W.N. W. feems to mean, he fteered firft Vv''eft from the 
River St. Jago, until he made tlae high Land, and then North-v.-eft, 
a little Wefterly. 

G Between 

( 42 ) 

Between Movint Miguel and Point Cazarnina ('rightly Carnvina) is the- 
Entrance in the Bay of Amapalla, which is to the Northward of they 
Port of Rcakjo ; therefore the leaving Mount Si. Miguel on the Lar- 
board, ^c. being an abfolute Contradiction to de Fcnte entering the Port 
of ReaLjo, is an Interpolation and not inferred by the perfon who wrote 
the Letter, but a Comment very injudicioudy added by Way of Expla- 
nation. From this Circumftance the Truth of my Afiertion appears, 
as to there being GlofTes and Comments added to the original Text,, 
and that I had good Reafon to believe feveral Places in the preceding 
Part of this Account to be Interpolations added by Way of Comment. 

The great Ships that are built in Netv Spnin are built in Rako is dif-. 
pofed in the Margin in the firft Edition ; but in all the fubfequent Edi- 
tions hath crept into the Text. We may fuppofe the W. N. W. Courfe 
hath crept into the Text in the firft Edition to make room for this 
Comment, as may be judged from the Courfe between St. Helena and 
St. Jago being placed in the Margin : And there is an apparent Rea- 
fon for the Courfe and Diftances being fo placed, for when inferted m 
tlie Text, they interrupt the Attention ; and as the Courfes and Di- 
ftances were all that was neceflary to be mentioned, the Latitudes have 
been fince added by fome injudicious Perfon. — The Latitude of Pajj'ac., 
of Cape St. Francifco, is not mentioned, and the Latitude of Raleo is 
wrong, which the Courfe and Diftance fhews, and its Latitude is in 
moft Maps agreeable to the Courfe and Diftance here given. The Run, 
allowing de Fonte eight Days, would be but one hundred Miles in 
twenty-four Hours, which is very moderate going. Nor can there be 
any Objeclion, as to the Truth of this Account, from the Time that de 
Fonte is failing between the Callao oi Lima to St. Helena, from St. He- 
lena to St. Jago, 

All that belongs to the original Letter I take to be this. The 1 6th of 
April we failed from the River St. Jago to the Port and Town of Raleo ; 
here v/e bought (which probably might as well be rendered procured) 
four long well-failed Shallops, built exprefs for failing, riding at An- 
chor, fc?f. The 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Wefterly, I fuppofe to 
have been placed in the Margin. 


( 43 ) 

It cannot be fuppofed that Boats fo fitted, and four of them, could 
be procured in fo fmall a Time as de Fonte ftaid here, it implies they 
were previoufly provided before that he arrived, to be ready at the Ar- 
rival of the Ships. 

' The 26tb we failed from Raleo for the Port of Saragua, or rather of 

* Salagua, within the Iflands and Shoals of Chamily, 480 Leagues 
' N.W. and by Weft, a little Wefterly from i?fi/fo. From the Town 

♦ of Saragua, a little Eaft of Chamily at Saragua, and from Compoftilo in 
' the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Mafter and fix Mari- 
' ners accuftomed to trade with the Natives for Pearl the Natives 
' catched on a Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the Baxos 
' of St. Juan in 24 Degrees of North Latitude, 20 Leagues N. N. E. 
' from Cape Saint Lucas^ the South-eaft Point of California.* 

The Point of Teaxos is laid down in Lat. 11 Deg. e^% Min. Long. 
93 Deg. 31 Min. and with a Courfe North-weft and by Weft, a little 
Wefterly, Diftance four Hundred and eighty Leagues, de Fonte would be 
at the Iflands oi Chiametlas., in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. Long. 114 Deg, 
29 Min. 

The Port of Saragua, or rather of Salagua (which is properly Ziiela- 
gua) is thus defcribed. ' The Mount of Sant Jago is in the Port of 
' Zuelagua. There are two very good Harbours which have good an- 
' choring Ground, and will hold a great many Ships, by reafon they are 
' great and are called the Calletas. On the North-weft Side of the faid 
' Bay is another very good Port, which is called likewife the Port of 
' Zuelagua. You will find in it a River of frefli Water, and feveral Plan- 
' tations. At the Sea Side is a Pathway that leads to the Town oi Zue- 
' lagua., being four and a half Miles from the Port within Land. Be- 
' tween the Port oi Zuelagua and the white Ferrelon (or Rock) is a very 
' good Port, in which you are Land-locked from all Winds.' 

From this Defcription it is eafy to comprehend what is de Fonte's 
Meaning as to the Port of Zuelagua, where he took in his Mafter and 
Mariners on the North-weft Side of the Bay, and which he exprefi^es 
by, at Saragua a little Eaft of Chamily ; and which Mafter and Mari- 

G 2 ners 

( 44 ) 

ners v/ere not promifcuoudy taken, but were chofen Men, as they were 
taken both from Zuslagua and CompoJlUo, in the Neighbourhood of the 
Port. lAielagua ftems originally the City which was called Xalifco ; but 
from its unhealthy Situation, Compoftilo was built more within Land i 
yet the former continuing to be a Port, fome Inhabitants remained 

The Iflands and Shoals of Chiametla^ which the Tranflation renders 
Chamil)\ which is a Name given to Iflands South of Cape Corientes. 
But the Diftindtion is the Iflands to Northward of Cape Corientes are 
called Chiametla, thofe to Southward Chametla and Camilli. Prieto agrees 
with de Fmite's firft mentioning the Iflands of Chia-Mellas in Lat. 22. 10. 
Long. 114. 29. and then El malPays y mal outradu. 

This Mafcer and Mariners were accuftomed to trade with the Natives 
for Pearl, which the Natives catched on a Bank in nineteen Degrees of 
Latitude, being North from the Baxos of St. Juojt, or the Bank of St. 
John., which is in twenty-four Degrees of North Latitude, and twenty 
Leagues North North-eaft from Cape Saint Lucas, the South-eaft Point 
of California ; and this Account de Fonte had either from themfelves, 
or the Charader that was fent with them, to fhew the moft proper Per- 
fons had been provided to anfwer the Purpofe for which they were pro- 
cured. And all that belongs to the Text is, which the Natives catched 
on a Bank North from the Baxos St. Juan., twenty Leagues N. N. E. 
from Cape St. Lucas. 

< The Mafler Admiral de Fonte had hired, with his Vefl^el and Mari- 

' ners, who had informed the Admiral that, 200 Leagues North from 

' Cape St. Lucas, a Flood from the North met the South Flood, and 

' that he was fure it muft be an Ifland, and Bon Diego Penneloffa un- 

' dertook to difcover whether it was an Ifland or not, with his Ship and 

' the four Shallops they bought at Raleo, and the Mafter and Mariners 

' tlicy hired at Zuelagua." 

jrlere th; Thread of the Letter is broke, and theTranflator proceeds 
as with a common Narrative of a Voyage. The Mafter might be eafily 
deceived as to the Tide, as Time hath fliewn in many Inftances as to 
other Perfons having been deceived in like Manner in other Parts. 


( 45 ) 

That we have no Account of what was the Event of this Expedition 
Pennelojfa, who had undertaken the Charge, being no more to join deFontey 
as it was unnecefTary and to no Purpofe, Pennelojfa would return firft and 
fend his Account to Court. De Fonte could in this Cafe do no further 
than fliew he had fent him on this Service, it muft be fuppofed, agree- 
able to his Inftrudions. Which, from the Boats brought from Realejo, 
(and muft be of a particular Conftrudture, the like of which were not 
to be any where elfe on the Coaft) and the Mafter and Mariners hired 
here, it is evident, was before propofed, that Pennelojfa fhould go on this 
Part of the Expedition, not on the Matter's declaring that there was a 
Tide from the Northward, and fo California an Ifland. This was only- 
mentioned by de Fonte, to (hew what Intelligence he had got in this 

The Account given oi Penneloffa could be evidently no Part of the 
Letter. What is faid as to his Defcent, his being a Nobleman, his Ad- 
drefs to Cofmography, and the Undertaking of this Difcovery, rmift 
evidence as already faid, whoever inferted the Account was fatisfied as 
to their being fuch a Perfon fo accomplifhed, and who alpired to under-^ 
take this Part of the Expedition. A Difcovery of thefe Parts would 
carry, at this Time particularly, great Reputation and Honour with it, 
and by this Opportunity to intercept Perfons on a Defign fo prejudicial 
to the Interefts of the Court of Spain in thofe Parts, as it was then 
thought, had Penneloffa fucceeded ; he would have had no fmall Share 
of Merit ; or if he did not fucceed, the Merit of the Attempt would be 
accounted of, and not unjuftly, it would be a Means of his Promotion 
through the Connexions he had, as they would urge he did not purfue 
thofe Sciences for Speculation only, but to carry them into Praftice for 
t!ie Service of his Country. And according to the Regulations Don Olir 
varez had made, there was no Preferment but what was in confequence 
of Service. 

Sifter's Son of Bon Lezuis de Haro, and a young Nobleman, exprefies 
as of the Time prefent, when the Copy was taken from which we have 
the Publication ; and Don Haro, Prime Minifier of Spain, was a Glofe 
added by another Hand. Neither is Bon Luis de Haro the Perfon here 
meant, for he does not feem to have been of an Age to have had a 
Sifter who could be Mother to Bon Ronqiiillo ; but Bon Lopez de Haro 


( 46 ) 

is the Perfon meant, Marquis de Carpio, the Father of Don Luis, who 
was at that Time Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and after- 
wards Prime Minifter, and muft be iinderftood the Son of his Wife's 
Sifter, who was a Daughter of Olivarez, married to the Marquis de Val- 

' But Admiral de Fonte, with the other three Ships, failed from them 

< within the Illands of Chaniilly the loth May 1640, and having the 

« Length of Cape Abel on the W. S. W. Side of California^ in 26 De- 

' grees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Ifles 

' Chamilly ; the Wind fprung up at S. S. E. a fteady Gale, that froiti 

' the rbth oi May to the 14/^ of June he had failed to the River L.os 

' Reys, in ^-^ Degrees of North Latitude, not having Occafion to lower 

' a Topfail, in failing 866 Leagues N. N.W. 410 Leagues from Port 

' Abel to Cape Blanco^ 456 Leagues to Riolos Reyes, all the Time moft 

' pleafant Weather, and iailed about - 60 Leagues in crooked Channels, 

' amongft Iflands named the Archipelagus de St. Lazarus ; where his 

' Ships Boats always failed a Mile a-head, founding to fee what Water, 

' Rocks, and Sands, there was,' 

De Fonte and Pennelojfa both put out to Sea together ; but as their 
Courfes were various, one to the Weftward of Calif or7na, and the other 
to enter the Gulf. They parted within the Shoals of Chiametla the tenth 
oi May 1640 ; and de Fonte attaining the Length of Cape Abel in Lati- 
tude 26, one Hundred and fixty Leagues North North- weft and Weft 
from the Ifles of Chiametla, he then meets with a fair Wind from South 
South-eaft. By the Latitude of Cape Abel, and the Diftance run, it is 
apparent that the Iflands Chiametla mentioned, are the Iflands here 

De Fonte, after running one Hundred and llxty Leagues from the Ifles 
oi Chiametla, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. and Long. 114 Deg. 29 Min. 
attaining the Length of Cape y^/'c'/ in Latitude 26, his Courfe could not 
be North-weft and Weft, but North-weft by Weft wefterly, or 61" 22'. 
and, inftead of, by, may be fuppofed an Error of the Prefs. 

Dr. Heylin mentions a convenient Haven named St. Abad, who wrote 

near thefe Times. But it is Chriflabeh or Chrijleval, the Name of a 

5 Cape 

( 47 ) - 

Cape the Extremity of the Land, which forms a Harbour or Port of the 
fame Name Chriftahel. Prieto mentions no Place on the main Land but 
the three Iflands of Cafonas, which lie off at Sea, fo more to Weilward 
than this Cape. They are in Lat. 26 Deg. Long. 12?. Deg. 24 Min. 
the Longitude of Cape Abel I make in 122 Deg. 11 Min. and he lays 
down the Point of Madelena in 26 Deg. 30 Min, and the Long. 123 
Deg. 24. Min. which feems to be the northermoft Land of fuch Har- 
bour. By de Fonte mentioning the Latitude of this Cape, and not any 
other, he may be fuppofed to take from hence a new Departure, as v,'as 
ufual with the Spaniards when they came to this Length in thefe Seas, 
fo Prieto mentions has Bajas de los Abraja^ Primier Meridiano. Lat. 25° 
15'. Long. 121 Deg. 54 Min. from Zz;»^;. 

De Fonte in his Run from Chiametla met with contrary Winds ; but 
when the Length of Cape Akel^ he had Wind and Weather rather un- 
expected in thofe Parts ; and the Spring not being much advanced, he 
rather expefted to have been, at Times, under his Courfes, which is 
meant by the Expreffion afterwards ufed, that he never had occafion to 
lower a Topfail, and is conformable with its being a fteady Gale, or did 
not overblow. As the Run to Los Reys terminated the fourteenth of 
June, de Fonte, for the whole eight Hundred and fixty Leagues, failed . 
after the Rate of forty-five Leagues in twenty-four Hours, which is 
confiftent with and agreeable to the Seamens common Experience, 
when favoured with fuch Wind and Weather. Amongft the Wands 
would have the Affiftance of the Floods, and Wind enough to ftem the - 

The Computation of the eight Hundred and fixty-fi:r Leagues is four 
Hundred and ten Leagues to Cape Blanquial, to which there is a Courfe 
affigned North North-weft ; and as to four Hundred and fifty-fix 
Leagues to Rio los Reys, no Courfes are added, which we may afiign to 
the Courfes being originally in the Margin, when one was introduced into 
the Copy the other was negleded. And we have juft Realbn to fufpe£b 
the Careleflhefs here, as it is firft called Cape Abel, then Port Abel, and 
the River Los Reys in 53 Degrees, and afterwards Rio los Reys, as tho' 
they were diftinft and feparate. With the N. N. W. Courfe Rio los Reys 
CQuld not be in the Latitude de Fonte mentions. 

Pari. . 

( 4B ) 

Pari Abel, Latitude 26, Long. 122" 11', and rhtCallao oi Lima, be- 
ng laid down Longitude 60 Weft from the firft Meridian of Fcro, and 
hitherto we have carried on our Computation of Longitude 80 from- Pans, 
we fhall hereafter compute from Fero and London ; and Cape Chriftahle 
we compute 102° 11' from the Meridian oi Fero, or 119° 46' from the 
Meridian oi London. 

The Courfe four Hundred and ten Leagues North North-weft, de 
Fonte made Cape Blanqnial in Latitude 45, Longitude from London 
129° 28', from the Meridian oi Fero 111° 53', to Northward and Weft- 
Avard of the Entrance of Martin Aqidlar. Sufficient Obfervations have 
not been made to determine by the Geographers as to the true Lati- 
tudes and Longitudes of thefe Places, and, until they attain more per- 
fect Informations, muft difagree. 

The Courfe from Blanquial is not inferted, but is to be determined by 
the Diftance two Hundred and fixty Leagues, ending in Latitude 53 at 
Rio los Keys. De Fonte had, during the whole Time between Abel and 
Los Keys, the Wind, in his Favour. Therefore his Courfe muft have 
been to the Northward of the Eaft ; and if he run two Hundred and 
fixty Leagues, with a Courfe Eaft 52° North, he would make 2 Deg. 
I Min. Latitude, and 20 Deg. 24Min. Longitude. To correipond with 
which de Fonte muft, for the one Hundred and ninety-fix Leagues, 
made his Courfe North 5 2 Deg. Weft, which would determine in Lati- 
tude 50 Deg. 59 Min. and in Long. 141 Deg. 12 Min. from London, in 
123 Deg. 27 Min. Weft from Fero. De Fonte would then be about 
thirty Leagues from the Land, agreeable to the Ruffian Difcoveries, tho' 
this Voyage was made fo many Years before that Attempt ; a great 
Evidence of the Authenticity of this Account. His Conduct alfo in 
this Cafe was neceffary, confiftent with the Charafter of a good Seaman, 
not to make the Coaft direft, or immediately engage with this Archi- 
pelago, to which he was a Stranger, and in Parts unknown, or where he 
had no failing Directions but to form fuch Courfe as gradually to fall in 
with the Land, and, as the Wind was, if lie fav/ Occafion, could at any 
Time ftand ofl". 

De Fonte by this Courfe, agreeable to the Latitude of the Suefia del 
Efircch D'Anian, which is laid down by Prieto in Latitude 51, would be 


( 49 ) 

to the Southern Part of the Entrance into fuch Archipelago, had he been 
Northward, as the Wind was, he would have regained it with grest 
Difficulty and Lofs of Time. 

As this Table of Prieto was compofed before the Ruffian Difcoveries, 
and this Land, the Suefta del Eftrech D'Ania?!, is computed in Longi- 
tude 141 Deg. 47 Min. computing Lma at 80 Deg. anfwerable to 238 
Deg. 1 3 Min. Eaft Longitude from Fero, it is a little fingular that thefe 
Accounts Ihould agree fo wellj as to the Longitude of this Part of 
America ; is an Inftance that Prieto did not proceed upon vague Calcula- 
tions ; had acquired a more exafl Account than could be even fuppofed 
in thefe unfrequented Parts, and from his Care and Exaftnefs, as to the 
more known Parts, we have no Reafon to doubt but he hath laid down 
■the Latitude and Longitude of the Suefta del Eftrech de Anian, with the 
greateft Certainty that he could attain to. 

I Ihall not controvert it whether thefe are the proper Streights of 
Anian. This Entrance was commonly called amongfl the Navigators 
into thofe Parts by that Name, as is evident from former Accounts j 
and Hornius, from his Maps, which may be feen in Purchafe, lays it 
down in the fame Manner. My Intention is anfwered in producing an 
Authority from the Spaniards oi New Spain, that there is an Entrance 
here agreeable to the Account in this Letter ; alfo, in all Appearance, 
a fuperior Entrance to that of Martin Aguilar, which Prieto doth not 
exprefly mention ; neither could he properly ; but inferts Cape Efcondido 
in Lat. 43, and Cape Blanquial in Lat. 45, an intermediate Diftance of 
one Hundred and twenty Miles. Again mentions the Port of Salagua 
in Lat. 46, and then the Port of Salado in Lat. 48 ; in which Interfpage 
the Entrance of de Fuca is fuppofed to be. 

By the Name ArchipeHbgo, de Fonte, who would give the Name with 
Propriety, expreffes it to be a Sea ; and on his Return fays, he failed 
down the River Los Keys to the North-eaft Part of the South Sea ; after 
that returned home. Where the Word Part, properly fpeaking, or to ufe 
the Word as it really imports, can be no otherwife underftood than as 
an Arm or Branch of the South Sea. Had he fteered eight Hundred 
and fixty-'fix Leagues North North-weft, he muft neceffarily have tra- 

H veifed 

( 50 ) 

verfed the Courles of thofe brave Difcoverers Capt. Beering and 'Tfchiri- 
koiv, which were from Lac. 45 in AJia, to Lat. 56 and 58 in America^ 
and who were not interrupted by any fuch Iflands. Capt. Tfchirikovj 
pofuively fays, the Coaft was without Llands where he was in Lat. e,6 ; 
by Capt. Beenng's Account in Lat. 58, the Llands lay only akng the 
Coaft ; and de Fonte in Iiis Account mentions, that he failed in crooked 
Channels, amongft lilands. Thefe various Defcriptions fliew that thefe 
Accounts relate to various Parts. As de Fonte could not, in the v/hole 
Extent between JJia and America, meet with fuch Iflands, and yet was 
under a NecefTity to pafs up crooked Channels, with no fmall Hazard, 
as the Boats being a-head exprels, his Courfe muft have been to the 
Eaftward of where Captain 1'fehirikaw fell in with the Land, and for 
the Diftance of the two Hundred and thirty Leagues before de Fonte 
came to a River, to hos Reyes, was then pafTing up the North-eaft Part 
of the South Sea, as he terms it, and in fome Part of which there were 
Iflands, which he names the Archipelagus of St. Lazarus. There is 
a Singularity of Expreflion in the Letter, where his Boats always failed 
a-head, the Word where limits the Iflands to a certain Space, and that 
they were not extended the whole two Hundred and thirty Leagues, 
which is confiftent with the Expedition he made, as otherwife the Ships 
muft have often ftiortened fail, and it could not be avoided, and muft 
have frequently brought up at Night. 

As de Fonte did neither make the South or North Shore of this Straight, 
the moft comprehenlive Way of expreffing himfelf was to fay, he palTed 
up thefe Iflands, by which thofe who had compofed his Inftruftions well 
knew the Parts he meant. It muft be confidered de Fonte was not as 
to this Part on Difcovery, the Whole v/ould be pointed out to him by 
his Inftruttions, which being to fall in with the Iflands, or Entrance in 
fuch a Latitude, to mention either the North or South Limit of the En- 
trance would be improper ; whereas the contrary was the Cafe as to 
Cape St. Helena, Francifco, Pajftio, and Cz^c Abel, as his Inftru<5lions 
were exprefs, as to the making thefe Lands. 

As de Fo7tte.mzdiZ a true Courfe Eaft Si'' North, fubtradl the Longi- 
tude 20 Deg. 24 Min. from the Longitude 141'Deg. 12 Min. from Lon- 
don, and from the 123 Deg. 27 Min. from Fero. The Entrance to the 
4 Iliver 

( 5' ) 

River Los Keys lies in Lat. 53 Deg. Long. 120 Deg. 48 Min. from Lon- 
don, and 103 Deg. 3 Min. Weft from Fero. And that his Courfe 
now Eafterly is plain from the fubfeqiient Words of the Letter, as they 
failed more Eafterly. It was alfo confiftent witii the Purpofe they were 
fent on, to meet a Veflel from Bofton. 

' The iidLO^Jum Admiral de Fonte difpatched one of his Captains 

* to Pedro de Barnarda, to fail up a fair River, a gentle Stream, and 
' deep Water, went firft N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake 

* full of Iflands, and one very large Peninfida full of Inhabitants, a 
' friendly honeft People in this Lake, he named Lake Valafco, where 

* Captain Barnarda left his Ship ; nor all up the River was lefs than 
' 4, 5, 6, 7, and S Fathom Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abound- 
' ing with Salmon Trouts, and very large white Perch, fome of two 
' Foot long -, and with three large Indian Boats, by them called Periagos, 
' made of two large Trees 50 or 60 Foot long. Capt. Barnarda firft 

* failed from his Ships in the Lake Valafco, one Hundre.d and forty 

* Leagues Weft, and then 436 E. N. E. to yy Degrees of Latitude, 

* Admiral de Fonte, after he had difpatched Capt. Barnarda on the Dif- 
' covery of the North and Eaft Part of the 'Tartarian Sea.' 

We may fuppofe, from the Manner in which this Part was managed^ 
that there was a great Neceffity to get the Tranflation finiflied in any 
Manner. As the Difficulties of the Tranflation increafed, the Defi^n of 
this Account being only Amufement, the Tranflator thought it would 
anfwer the Purpofe to give the Account in grofs. 

The Date, the 22d June, is an apparent Error, by reafon de Fonte 
did not enter into Lake Belle, as will be ftiewn hereafter, until that 

Admiral de Fonte difpatched one of his Captains to Pedro de Barnarda, 
to fail up a fair River, gentle Stream, and deep Water. Then the Tran- 
flation breaks oft' abruptly, and the Tranflator renders the following 
Part as an Account of Bernarda's. Voyage, not obferving how juft a 
Connexion there is with de Fonte difpatching one of his Captains to Ber- 
narda ; and what follows being the Orders fent by him, and the In- 

H 2 " ftrudions 

( 52' ) 

ftruflions for Bernarda ; infread of being Bernardo,' s Account of his Ex- 
pedition, and not obferving how confiftent it is with being a fummar)^ 
Recital of thofe Inftrudions thefe Words are which follow,. Admiral ^(? 
Fonte, after he had difpatched Captain Bernarda on the Dilcovery, i£c. 

As to his difpatching one of his Captains, he muft be fuppofed to 
have befides the Captain of the Ship he was in, alfo one called an Ad- 
miral's Captain. The Inftruftions were of fuch Confequence, that a lefs 
Perfon might not be fo properly employed, nor confiftent with the R-g- 
fpedt due to Bernarda. 

Be Fonte and Bernarda were Strangers here ; but thefe Parts had been 
already difcovered, as it is exprefly faid that two Pater Jefuits had been 
here two Years, and made Obfervations as far as the Latitude 66. 
From their Difcoveries we may conclude, that thefe Inftruftions were 
formed which Bernarda received, and thofe of the whole Courfe of the 
Voyage ; and it was necefTary that de Fonte fhould not only mention that 
he had difpatched Bernarda^ but fhould alfo, with the Brevity due to a 
Letter, mention the Orders with which he difpatched him. And fur- 
ther from what is exprelTed in thofe Orders, as to the River, the Courfe 
and Soundings, what Fifh were in the River and Lake, the Road or 
Harbour which was to be found in the Lake, the Temper and Dilpo- 
fition of the Inhabitants, it evidently appears that there had been a prior 
Difcovery of thefe Parts, and Obfervations made of every Thing worthy 
of Confideration, and necefTary alfo at this Time to be mentioned to 
Bernarda. To let him know that his Ship could pafs up the River, 
would find a Harbour in the Lake, he had nothing to fear from the 
Natives, and would meet with Provifions. There leaving his Ship he 
might be furnifhed with Periagos to proceed. And I underftand his Di- 
rcftions to fteer firft North and North-eaft, then North and North-weft, 
that he might make no Miftake by purfuing or entering into any other 
Openings which might prefent themfelves in his Courfe up, and whicli 
from their Appearance might perplex him, as to which of them he was 
to enter -, no uncommon Thing, as thofe who have been to Northward 
on like Undertakings will allow, 


' The 

( 53 ) 

« The Admiral failed up a very navigable River, which he named. 
* Rio los Reys, that run neareft N. E. but on feveral Points of the Com- 
' pafs 60 Leagues, at low Water, in a fair navigable Channel, not lefs 
' than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flowed on both Rivers near the fame 
'- Water, in the River. I,w Reys, 24 Feet Full and Change of the Moon-, 
'• a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flowed in the River Haro, 22. 
' Feet and a half Full and Change. They had two Jefuits with them,. 
' that had been on their Miffion to 66 Degrees of North Latitude, and, 
' had made curious Obfervations,' 

De Fonte, having difpatched Bernarda, fets out on his Part of the Exw 
pedition, and proceeds up the River Los Reys, at the Entrance of whichr 
he had arrived the fourteenth of June. During his Stay, until Bernarda 
was difpatched and failed, he feems to have taken an accurate Account 
of the Tides in both Rivers. The Diflance up the River was more than 
fixty Leagues, and though a good navigable Channel, yet would re-i 
quire a great Precaution in his Proceeding with the two Ships ; Tide 
Times and the Night would make it necelTary for him to bring too ; for 
had he touched the Ground with either of them, the Delay that might 
have followed on fuch Accident, might have defeated this Part of the 
Undertaking, and the moft. important, and which, therefore, was allotted 
to him to execute; 

Their having had two Jefuits with them feems an additional Note, 
That two Jefuits fhould be feot into thofe Parts to make Obfervations, 
is but- conlilbent with the general Praftice of the Jefuits to go on Mif- 
lions into all Parts of the Globe, engaged by a fpecial Vow, not injoined 
any other Order, to be always ready to go and preach whitherfoever they 
iliall be fent.. 

Thefe Jefuits are by no Means a flngular Inftrince of the People of tliaJ: 
Order being great Adventurers, when we confider thofe wlio ventured to 
the Philippinas and Japan, enforced by the Vow, puffed up with the Va- 
nity of popular Applaufe, the Favour of the Prefident, and the Hope af 
being acceptable to tlie refl: of the Order on their return from fuch Mif- 
fron, expeding by fuch Mifllon to add to the Wealth or Reputation of tl^e 
Order. The EfFed. of this Miffion feeir.s to have been they had ax- 

o^uired i 

( 54 ) 

quired the Favour of the Natives. Had made fome Obfervations of the 
Country, but principally to>Jorthv/ard, as to which they feem not to 
have got a perfedt Account ; though they did a great deal for the Time, 
the Unleafonablenefs of the Winter, and the melting Weather in the 
Spring confidered ; nor is it ftrange they fliould not get a perfedl Ac- 
count, in a Country fo intermixed with Waters, which hide themfelves in 
tlieir Courfes between inacceffible Mountains ; and in many Places where 
they are to be come at, are deceitful in their Appearance, as to what they 
really are, whether Lakes, Gulphs of the Sea, or Inlets. As they proceeded 
to the Northward, they thought it the Part that principally claimed their 
Obfervation. Were of Opinion as to the Southward, that it was Part of 
the Continent of New Spain, or they would not have lead de Fonte to Los 
Reys, but caufed him to proceed up that Streight which feparated the 
Part they had been in from New Spain. As to this Miffion not being 
known to the Publick, thefe Jefuits muft have been fent from Europe 
into New Spain ; and they would fo far regard their Obedience to the 
, Pope, as to pay due Refpeft to the King oi Spain's, Auchority, in ob- 
ferving the eftablifhed Maxim of the Time, as to keep t': nr Difcove- 
ries a Secret from the PubHck or other Nations. And as to all Mif- 
fionaries who went 'm\.oNew Spain, the King of Spain hath a Power to call 
them to Account, by the Pope's Permiflion, though not permitted in 
Old Spain to meddle with ecclefiaftical Affairs, or ecclefiaftical Men. 

' A Letter from Captain Barnarda, dated the 27th of June 1740, that 
<■ he had left his Sliip in the Lake Valafco, betwixt the Iflands Barnarda 
' and the Peninfula ConihajJ'et, a very fafe Port ; it vrent clown" the River 
' from the Lake 3 Falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the Tartarian Sea 
' in 6 1 Deg. with the Pater Jefuits, and o^d Natives, in three of their 
' Boats, and 20 of his Spanifi Seamen -, that the Land trended away 
' North Eaft -, that they fhouldwant noProvifion, the Country abound- 
' ing with Venifon of three Sorts, and the Sea and Pvivers with excel- 
' lent Fifn (Bread, Salt, Oil, and Brandy they carried with them) that 

* he fliould do what was poffible. The Admiral, when he received the 
' Letter from Captain Barmrda, was arrived at an Indian Town called 

♦ Ccnojfcl, on the South Side Lake Belle, where the two Pater Jefuits on 
' their Mifiion had been two Years ; a pleafant Place. The Admiral, 
•'■ with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 2 2d of June .' 


( S5 ) 

The Letter from Bentarda being dated the 27th of June, It is impof- 
fible he fliould finifh all that Bufinefs in four Days, which he gives de 
Fonte an Account of: This alio confirms its being a Miftake as to the 
22'd of Jkfie, being the Time he received his Difpatches. It might well 
take Bernarda from the fourteenth of June to the twenty-feventh to re- 
ceive his Difpatches, to pafs up the River, and to the Peninfula in Lake 
Valafco, procure the Natives, who were not under his Comm.and, get all 
Things fitted, and fet our. And what this Letter contains, makes it 
evident it could be no Account of his Voyage that was before-men- 

This Letter is apparently an Anfwer to the Difpatciies Bernarda re- 
ceived from de Fonte. He mentions, that he had left his Ship, agreeable 
to Orders, and in a fafe Port -, gives an Account how he was equipped 
to proceed -, the Number of the Perfons he had with him -, that he had 
thirty-fix of the Natives, which is conformable to the Charafter given 
of them, a friendly honeft People, and fhfe'ws the Influence of the Je- 
fuits. Thefe Natives, by joining in the Expedition, were Hoftages for 
the good Behaviour of the others towards his People left behind, and 
an Afllrrance to Bernarda for the Security of his Ship left at the Port, 
were of great Ufe as Pilots as to the Coaft, and alfo in failing and 
managing their Periagos. Their having thefe Periagos implies they had 
a Country .".bounding with Waters ; and it was their ufual Way of paf- 
fmg from cne Part to another. Time and Experience had made them 
expert in the Management of them ; and by fliifting from one Part to 
the other as the Stafons required for hunting or fifhing, and by Excur- 
fions out of their own Country either for War or Curiofity, as is the 
Nature of Indians., they were becom.e acquainted not only with the inland 
V/aters, but alfo the Sea Coafts. 

De Fonte had ordered Captain Bernarda that he fhould fail one Plun- 
dred and fifty Leagues Weft (but is rather to be believed a Miftake 
from not underftanding the Compafs, Osjle and Efte being fo fimilar) 
and then four Hundred and thirty-fix Leagues Eaft North Eaft to 77 
Degrees of Latitude. In Anfwer to which Bernarda here mentions, that 
from the Lake Valafco there was a River in which there was three Falls, 
eighty Leagues in Diftance, and fell into the Tartarian Sec, in Latitude 

61 ; 

( 5^ ) 

6i; that the Land trended away North Eait, and that he would do 
•Avhat was poffible. By which Expreffion it is plain, that he did not 
purfue the exact Courle that de Fonle direded -, probably that Courfe 
was pointed out toBenmrda by which thejefuits had travelled to Latitude 
56, but purfued a Courle more immediate and direfl to attain to Latitude 
■j^, the Back of Baffin' % Bay, as to which the Natives had informed 
hin.i s and that thouglr he did not purfue the Courfe directed by dsFonte^ 
which he found not to be fo confiftent with the Pefign he was fent on, 
■jret.he .would .do all that was polTible to anfwer that DeAgn. And the 
ExprefTion alfo implies, that he was fenfible he Ihould meet with Diffi- 
.culties, which he might expeft from the Climate, the Ice, and the Fa- 
.tigue ; .but as to the Article of Provifions, v/as in no Fear on that Ac- 
count. As to v/hat is mentioned as to Venifon of three Sorts, they were 
,the fmall Deer, the Moofe, and the Elk, all which are in the Northern 
Parts about Hndfon\ Bay, and x\\t Labarador Coaft. 

The Name of Haro giv^n to the River is a particular Compliment 
to Don Haro., who was the Head of the Houfes of Valafco -, and the 
Name oi Valafco, in Compliment to the other Houfes, of that Family. 
Which Refpeft fhewn by de Fonte feems to indicate a particular Connec- 
4:ion with, or his being related to that Family, as already mentioned. 
Valafco^ as here wrote, with a va, as thofe Famihes did write it at that 
Time, and one of that Family, who was Conftable of Caftile, in his Titles 
is named John Ferdinandes de Vallafco, Conftable of Cajlilia, &c. now 
Lord of the Houfes of Vallafco, &c. and by the Orthography in the 
Letter being fo conformable with that which was ufed at that Time, 
•and not with a ve as at prefent, we have very good Reafon to fuppofe, 
.that the Letter was not only wrote in Spanijh, but alfo by de Fonte on his 
return from his Voyage. Don Ferdinandez was living in 1610, and fuc- 
ceeded by his Son, in his Title and Honour of Conftable of Cajiile, Don 
Bernardino, who was living at the Time of the Voyage. 

' The Admiral entered the Lake an Hour before high Water, and 

* there was no Fall or Cataraft, and 4 and 5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 
' 7 Fathom Water generally in the Lake Belle. There is a little Fall 
' of Water half Flood, and an Hour and Quarter before high Water 

* the F]ood begins to fet gently into Lake Belle : The River is freih ai 

' 20 

( 57 ) 

* 20 Leagues Diftance from the Mouth or Entrance of the River Los 
« Reyes. The River and Lake abounds v/ith Sahnon, Salmon Trouts, 
' Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other Sorts of Fifn peculiar to 
' that River, admirable good •, and Lake Belie alio abounds with all 
' thofe Sorts of Fifh large and delicate : And Admiral de Fonte alfo fays, 
' the Mullets catched in Rios Reyes and Lake Belle, are much delicater 
' than are to be found, he believes, in any Part of the World.' 

De Fonte was not inaftive from the 14th to the 2 2d o^ June. Various 
Courfes, contrary Winds, waiting for the Tides at times -, from the Cir- 
cumftance of the Tide as to Lake Belle, that there is a Fall until half 
Flood, and it is an Hour and Quarter only before high Water that 
the Flood makes in, evidences that there was a Current againft him ; 
and it is further evident, as on his return he was but two Days running 
from Conojfet to the Entrance of the River Los Reyes. 

De Fonte is very particular in his Account, being now to take a Sur- 
vey of the Parts through which a Paflage was expefted, and in which 
Parts he now was. He mentions the Trial of the Tides at Los Reyes and 
Haro ; gives a particular Account of the Navigation up Los Reyes, and 
to Lake Belle -, that it was frefh Water after they were fixty Miles up the 
River; and what is no immaterial Circumftance in this Affair, fliews 
how far the Waters from Weftward flowed up, which he inftances in the 
Account of the Fifh. That fuch as came out of the Sea into the Land 
or frefh Waters to fpawn at thofe Sealbns, and afterwards return to the 
Sea, went no further than Lake Belle ; for here he found the Mother 
Filh, as he defcribes them, large and delicate, fuperior to thofe in the 
River, and indulges his Fancy, fo delicate as, he believes, they are net 
to be exceeded in any other Part of the World. De Fonte, in his Orders 
to Bernarda, Ihewed it was frefh Water in Part of Haro, and in the Lake 
Conibajfet, from the Salmon and Perch, in which he means Sea Perch, 
which come into frefh Waters at this Seafon of the Year, 

' The firft oi July 1640, Admiral de Fonte failed from the refl of his 
' Ships in the Lake Belle, in a good Port, covered by a fine liland, be- 
' fore the Town of Conoffet, from thence to a River I named Parmen- 

I ' tiers^ 

( 58 ) 

• tiers, in Honour of my induRiious judicious Comrade Mr. Partnentiersx, 
'- who had moft exaftly marked every Thing in and about that River/ 

We now proceed to confider the Remainder of Admiral de Fojite'i 
Letter, v/hich was publiflied in June 1 708. 

Admiral de Fonle, when he received tlie Letter from Capt. Bernarda, 
was arrived at an Indian Town called Coiojfet, in the Lake Belle -, and as 
he entered fuch Lake the twenty-fecond, probably arrived at the Town 
the fame Day ; llaid eight Days, and then failed the firft of July. That 
Bernarda llTOuld write, as to the Situation of his Affairs, muft have 
been before concerted between them, they having been informed by 
the Jefuits or Parmentiers, that it was pradicable for Bernarda to fend 
fuch Meflage, that the Admiral might know whether Bernarda had met 
with any Accident as to his Ship, or any other Obftacle to his Proceed- 
ing, as he might afllft him from thofe Ships Companies then with the 
Admiral. How the Letter was conveyed is not exprelTed ; probably 
by a Seaman with an Indian Guide (the Diftance between the Admiral 
and Be/-nc»-da, at this Time, will be confidered hereafter) who would 
ufc all poffible Expedition both by Land and Water : Had the Advan- 
tage of very iliort Nights. De Fonie would not proceed until he re- 
ceived this Account, though ready as foon as he received it. As de 
Fcnte failed on the firft of Jul)', that Account muft have come to his 
Hand the thirtieth oljune. 

The Ships being fecure in a good Harbour, and the Command left 
with Ronqi'.illo, the Admiral proceeds to the River Parmentiers, fo named 
in Honour of Monf. Parmeniiers, whom lie ftiles his Comrade, and 
commends his Induftry and Judgment in the Survey of fuch River, and 
tlie Parts adjacent. From his being ftiled his Comrade, he was in no 
Command, as he could not have aCommiflion without having been 'bred 
in the Service, and a Native oi Spain. Therefore being a Perfon imme- 
diately neceffary for to have on this Occafion, he is introduced under 
tiie Character of a Friend and Companion. Mr. Gage mentions. Chap. 
XV. of his new Survey of the JVeJi Indies, one Thtfmas Rocalono, a French- 
man, a Prior of the Cloifter of Cemitlan, who, with himielf, was the only- 
Stranger in that Country, bv which he means in that Part where he was; 
i; aod 

( 59 ) 

and it implies there being others in other Parts, which faliifies the Af- 
fertion that no Frenchman was ever admitted in Peru. 

The Countries of ^.ivira and Anian were reprefented, at that Time, 
to be barren or defolate ; as is alfo evident from the Defcripcion of the 
Inhabitants eating raw Flelh, drinking Blood, and in all Refpecls liiita- 
ble to the Charadter of the Efkemaux Indians, who by Choice, not Ne- 
ceiTity, make Ufe of fuch Diet when out a hunting or travelling, wTiich 
exprefles thole Parts to be very inhofpitable, and where the Indians only 
frequent at certain Seafons, in Purfuit of the wild Game, and for fifhing. 
And Cihola is reprefented as a Country which hath a Cultivation, where 
the Indians conftantly live, and feem a different People from thofe of 
^ivira and Anian. This is agreeable to the Accounts given at that 
Time, which is fufficient to Ihew that the Jefuits could not expeft that 
they fliould be able, or would undertake to pafs through fuch a Coun- 
try as Shrivira and Anian in Purfuit of their Difcoveries to Northward; 
therefore muft have taken fome Opportunity of being conveyed there, 
which could only be by fome Perfons who had been on thefe Coafts, 
and had, through NecelTity, Intereft, or Curiofity, palTed up thefe Wa- 
ters, and furveyed the adjacent Country in Purfuit of fomething which 
might turn out to their private Emolument : Nor were fuch Attempts 
tinprecedented, even on our Parts, though the Hazards were much 
greater. The private Trade carried on by the People from Bofion., in 
HudforCi, Bay, before there was a Grant to the Company ; which Trading 
might not have come to the Knowledge of the People in England., or 
been known to the Publick for a Series of Years, had it not been for 
an Accident which happened to Captain Gillam, who thereupon made a 
Difcovery of this Trade. Nor is there the leaft Improbability but that 
Parmentiers had, on fome Occafion, introduced himfelf into thefe Parts, 
had invited the Jefuits to a Miflion there, who, on other Miflions, had 
undertaken what hath been much more hazardous, and fucceeded. There 
were fufficient Motives for that Undertaking ; the Northern Bounds were 
then unknown, fo that they could not affirm America to be Continent, 
nor certainly to be an Ifland diftinguilhed from the old World. This is 
the Account Mr. Gage gives us. Chap. xiii. and mentioning that he v;lll 
not write, as many do, by Relation and Hearfay, but by more fure In- 
telligence, Infight and Experience. He fays ^iivira is feated on the 

I 2 moll: 

( 6o ) 

mod Weftern Part of America, juft over againft T'artary ; from whence, 
beinfT not much diftant, fome fuppofe that the Inhabitants came into this 
new World. The Weft Side of America, if it be not Continent with 
Tartary, it yet disjoined by a fmall Streight. Here then was a fufficient 
Matter to encourage a Miffion of this Sort, and to keep a Progrefs to 
the Eaftward, or in America, with the Difcoveries that were going on by 
the Miffionars fent to Japan ; and there was a Propriety in this being 
done, as the Coafts of both were fuppofed to be at no great Diftance 
from each other : And this was exprefly the Purpofe of their Miffion, 
as it is faid they had been to Latitude 66, and made curious Obfer- 
vations, on which Account they were with Bernarda. As Parmentiers 
went to the Eaftward with de Fonte, who muft have had a different Mo- 
tive from them for coming into thofe Parts, he muft have had his own 
private Emolument in view, his better Succels in which depended on 
his Secrecy, as he thereby prevented others from interfering; which 
Confideration would prevail with him, as with all Traders, fuperior to 
any Satisfa6lion the Publick might have from his Informations ; and as 
Trade would be carried on moft fuccefsfuUy where the Inhabitants were 
more numerous, v/e find he had found his Way to Eaftward, apparently 
the m.oft populous, as the Jefuits had gone to the Northward and Weft- 
ward, principally as moft confiftent with their Plan -, tho' Conajfet was 
where the Jefuits had been firft introduced, where their courteous Beha- 
viour and Management of the Natives, would be of Advantage to Par- 
mentiers. In fearching for the moft popular and inhabited Part of the 
Country, he would become acquainted with the Geography of thole 
Parts neceflarily, Depths of Water, Shoals, Tides, which his own Pre- 
fervation, and the better conducing of himfelf would naturally lead him 
to obferve; but there be a more particular Reafon for his Obfer- 
vaticn of the River Parmentiers, and of all the Parts about it •, and 
therefore he had been fo exaft as to the Falls, which were the Obftruc- 
t'on of the Ship Navigation through to the Eaftern Sea, that lay beyond 
the Streights of Ronquillo, for his own private Advantage ; by opening 
a new and extenftve Trade, he would have greatly promoted it if he had 
found this Communication prafticable for Ships of Burthen. 

The People that Captain Tchirikoio met with on the Coaft is no Ob- 
jeftion to the Charader given of thofe within Land in this Letter, as it 


( 6i ) 

is from Experience known that the Efkemaux, who are along the Coafb- 
of the Labrador, are cruel and" thievifh ; but that Indians of a different 
Difpofition live within Land. 

As to Parmentiers being the general Interpreter for all, he is not faii 
to be fo. He would, for the Benefit it would be to him in his Trade, 
endeavour to learn the Language, and would of courfe acquire fome- 
thing of it unavoidably, as he frequented amongft the Indians : And it 
muft be obferved, though there are many different Nations, and there 
is a Difference in Dialed, yet there is a Language which all thofe Na- 
tions will underftand, called the Council Language. 

That Voyages had been made to thefe Parts more than once is evi- 
dent, as the Jefuits ftaid there two Years, therefore did not return with 
the fame Opportunity by which they came there, but another •, and it 
is probable that there had been a Voyage prior to that, which had en? 
couraged them to undertake it. 

In what Manner de Fonte proceeded, the Boats and Number of Per- 
fens he had with him, the Tranflator hath omitted. It is mentioned, 
that de Fonte failed from the reft of his Ships ; the River Parmentiers 
hath Falls of thirty-two Feet perpendicular Height from its Source to 
where it iffues into Lake de Fonte ; fo again, on the South Side Lake 
Belle on board our Ships ; and had it been with his Ship, his Inference 
that there was no North-weft Paffage would have been unjuft, as his 
meeting with this Ship the Veffel from Bojlon, would have effeftually 
proved the contrary. 

♦ We paffed eight Falls, in all 32 Foot, perpendicular from its Source 
♦■ out of Lake Belle -, it falls into the large Lake I named Lake de Fonte, 
' at which Place we arrived the 6th of July. This Lake is 160 Leagues 
' long, and 60 broad; the Length is Eaft North Eaft, and Weft South 
♦ Weft, to twenty or thirty, in fome Places fixty Fathom deep ; the 
' Lake abounds with excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed ; 
' there are feveral very large IQands, and ten fmall ones ; they are co- 
« vered with flirubby Woods ; the Mofs grows fix or feven Fool long, 
' with which the IVIoofe, a very large Sort of Deer, are fat with in the 

' Winter,, 

( 62 ) 

^ Winter, and other lefTer Deer, as Fallow, i^c. There are Abundance 
* of wild Cherries, Strawberries, HurtlebeiTies, and wild Currants •, and 
' alfo of wild Fowls, Heath Cocks and Hens ; likevviie Partridges and 
' Turkeys ; and Sea Fowl in great Plenty. On the South Side the Lake 
' is a very large fruitful Ifland, had a great many Inhabitants, and 
' very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Aflies, Elm and Fir Trees, very 
"^ large and tall.' 

We here again fee the Form of the Letter, de Fonte eJcpreffing him- 
felf, as in the firft Part of the Letter, I n-amed Parmentiers, my indufirious ; 
and there are other Inftances. 

The River Parmentiers, which is the Communication by which the 
Waters of Lake Belle are conveyed into the Lake de Fonte, fo named 
"we may fuppofe not in Compliment to himfelf, which would be abfurdj 
but of his Family^ as the ExprefTion is, I natned Lake de Fonte, though 
it almoft deierves the Name of a Mediterranean Sea; but from having, 
a fuperior Water near it, with which it communicated, de Fonte calls 
it a Lake. It is not a cafual naming of Places, or Waters, 2.% Hiidfo7i^ ?, 
Bay, given to that great Mediterranean Sea, and continued, but the 
Names of the Waters he paffed through, would be given with Exaft- 
nefs and Propriety. In the Lake de Fonte there was a great Depth of 
Water, alfo Banks, as there is faid to be in fome Parts twenty or tjiirty 
Fathom Water, as is alfo evident from the Cod and Ling there, and 
which inftance it to be a Salt Water Lake. It was the Seafon when thefe 
Fifti come to the Northward to fpawn. The fhrubby Wood on the 
Iflands, the Mofs for the Sdbfiftence of the Deer hanging on the Trees, 
the wild Cherries and other Fruits ripening at that Sealbn of the Year, 
are all correfponding Tokens of his being advanced to the North-eaft 
Part of America, is agreeable in all the above Refpefts to the Country 
Northward and Weflward in Canada, about the River St. Lawrence, to 
the interior Parts of the Country of Labrador, in Lat. c^S ; but as you 
proceed further to Northward, the high rocky Mountains, which in 
this Part are only confined to the Coaft, then extend more inland, increafe 
in their Height, and in Lat. Cj(f and 60°, the whole Country, as far as 
Baffin's Bay, feems to confift only of Ridges of barren Mountains, in- 
terfperfed with Waters ; and theProgrefs of the Produftions, as to Trees 


( 63 ) 

and Plants, gradually decreafes from a more flourifhing to an inferior 
Sort, as you proceed to Northward ; in Lat. gg, on the Weftern Side of 
Hudfofi's Bay to the Northward of Seal River, there is no Wood, only 
Grafs and a fmall Shrub of about a Foot in Heighth, which continues, 
as far as it is known to Weftward -, and a thin Soil, with a hard rocky 
Stone juft below the Surface, and very frequently there are large Ponds 
of Handing Water. 

De Fonte feems to have made a Stop at the Ifland at the South of 
Lake de Fonte^ to take Refrefhment, and make Inquiry as to the Bofton 
Ship, it being out of his Courfe, or on any other Account to go there. 

* The 1 4th of July we failed out of the Eaft North-eaft End of the 

* Lake de Fonte, and palTed a Lake I named the EJiricho de Ron^uillo, 
' thirty-four Leagues long, two or three Leagues broad, twenty, twenty- 

* fix and twenty-eight Fathom of Water ; we pafied this Streight in ten 
' Hours, having a flout Gale of Wind, and a whole Ebb. As we failed 

* more Eafterly the Country grew very fenfibly worfe.' 

What follows, ' as it is in the North and South Parts o1 America^ ap- 
pears to me an additional Comment. 

De Fonte mentions, as he went more Eafterly the Country g?ew worfe •, 
from which it may be fuppoied he found the Alteration to begin when 
he was come to the Eaftern Part of the Lake, and more fo, as he palled 
the Streights of Ronqjdllo. 

Where the Streight of Ronquillo terminated de Fonte makes no men- 
tion ; gives us no i^ccount of the Soundings or Tides ; but his Silence 
here, and the preceding Circumftances, fufficiently prove that he thought 
himfelf then in feme Branch of the Atlantick Ocean. And it is to be ob- 
ferved there is the fame affected Silence here as to the Part he was 
come into,, as v/hen he had left the Weftern Ocean and entered the 
North-eaft Part of the South Sea to pafs up to Los Reys. 

' The 1 7th we came to an Indian Town, and the Indians told our In- 

* terpreter MonC Pannentiers, that a little Way from us lay a great Ship, 
^ where there ncYcr had been one before.' 


( 64 ) 

Tlie Indian telling the Interpreter Parmentiers, wliich exprefles a Kind 
of Acquaintance made between them, and de Fonte'5 pafiing out of the 
Lake into the Sea, coming to a Town, and Parmentiers knowing the 
Language, is an Evidence of Parmentiers'' having been there before. 
And we may fuppofe, that from the Time they left the River Parmen- 
tiers, de Fonte had been on the Inquiry, it being now Time to expeft the 
People from Bojlon -, and what the hidian told him was in purfuance of 
fuch Inquiry. 

' We failed to them, and found only one Man advanced in Years, 
' and a Youth ; the Man was the greateft Man in the Mechanical Parts 
" of the Mathematicks, I had ever met with ; my fecond Mate was an 
* Englijlman^ an excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been 
•• taken Prifoners axCampechy, as well as the Mafter's^on -, they told me 
' the Ship was of New England, from a Town called Bojlon. The Owner 
' and the whole Ship's Company came on board the thirtieth ; and the 
' Navigator of the Ship, Captain Shapley, told me, his Owner was a fine 
' Gentleman, and Major General of the largeft Colony in New England, 
' called the Maltechujets ; fo I received him like a Gentleman, and told 
' him my Commiffion was to make a Prize of any People feeking a 
' North-weft or Weft PalTage into the South Sea ; but I would look on 
' them as Merchants trading with the Natives for Bevers, Otters and 
' other Furs and Skins, and fo for a fmall Prefent of Provifions I had 
' no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which coft me twelve 
' Plundred Pieces of Eight (which the modeft Gentleman received with 
' difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator Captain Shapky, for 
' his fine Charts and Journals, a Thoufand Pieces of Eight, and the 
' Owner of the Ship, Seimor Gibbons, a quarter Caflc of good Peruan 
' Wine, and the ten Seamen, each twenty Pieces of Eight, the fixth of 
' Auguji, with as much Wind as we could fly before and a Current, we 
' arrived at the firft Fall of the River Parmentiers.^ 

De Fonte makes no Delay, but immediately proceeds as the Cafe re- 
quired •, finds an old Man aboard, the Man (as being a great Mechanick 
mJo'ht be very uleful on fuch an Expedition) and a Youth, might 
venture to ftay, their Age would plead as to any Severity that might be 
intended by de Fonte -, and through the Fear of which Severity the others 


( 6: ) 

retired into the Woods, where they could manage without being fenfible 
of thofe Difficulties which Europeans apprehend. To leave the Ship 
without any one aboard, de Fonte could of Courfe have taken her as 
being deferted ; and by their Retirement into the "Woods, his Purfuit of 
them there would have alarmed the Indians, and more efpecially if he 
had attempted any Severity, it might have been fatal to him and his 
Company, from the Refiftance they might have met with, not only from 
the Bofton People, but the Indians affilling them, as they would have 
confidered it as an Infult, an Exercife of Power which they would ap- 
prehend he had no Right to ufe in thofe Parts, as to a People who were 
trading with them, and been the Occafion that the Spaniards would have 
been no more received as Friends in thofe Parts. 

Be Fonte had particularly provided himfelf with fome Englifimen, who, 
by a friendly Converfe with the People from Bofton, might endeavour to 
learn their Secrets, and prepare them the better by what they would bo- 
inftruflred to tell them to come to a Compliance with the Admiral's In- 
tentions. The Refult of this Affair de Fonte only mentions ; but they 
would not have ftaid away fo long, would have returned fooner aboard, 
had they only left the Ship on Account of Trade. Trade was only a fe- 
condary Objeft, the Difcovery was the principal, and they would not 
have ftaid in one Place, at this Seafon, had they not been neceffitated 
through a Fear of de Fonte fo to do. It may be fuppofed the Englijhmen 
who were with de Fonte, two of whom were from Campechy, and the 
other become Catholick, as he was married to the Mafter's Daughter, 
they would not a£t either with much Sincerity or Truth as to their own 
Countrymen, but managed with the old Man to bring the Owner, Na- 
vigator, and reft of the Crew aboard. . 

On their return the Navigator of the Ship was the firft who waited on 
the Admiral, and he calls him Captain Shapley, his Name Nicholas Sbap- 
ley, who was famous as a Navigator, for his Knowledge in the Mathe- 
maticks and other Branches of Science, that the common People fup- 
pofed he dealt in the Magick Art, and had the Name given him of 
Old Nick, not by the People of Bofton, but by a Set of Libertines as 
they termed them, and who had feparated from the People of Bofton, 
and gone to live by themfelves at Pifcatua, where he was fettled at a 

K Place 

( 66 ) 

Place calkd Kitter}\ in the Province of i^Ia'rn ; the Name of Kittery 
given by his Brother Jkxanckr Sbaplej, ro a Tracl of Land he had fettled 
on tiiere ; and they write the Name Shaplcy exactly in the Manner in which 
it is wrote in the Letter. The Brodier Alexander was a Cotemporary at 
Oxford with Captain James, who went on Difcovery, and his Acquain- 
tance, The Defcendants of Alexander, a genteel People, were not many 
Years fmce living at Kiliery ; but Nicholas Shapley reth-ed to New LoiidoHy, 
where he had a Son that was living in the Year one Thoufand feven Hun- 
dred and fifty-two, a Fiflierman. Tlie Family at Kittery were very Ihy 
as to giving any Information as to what they knew in this Affair, upon 
an Application by the Author of thefe Obfervations, or looking into 
Alexander^ Papers, as an officious Perfon had got beforehand, and dif- 
couraged them from giving any Gratification of this Sort, under Pre- 
tence, if their Papers were feen, it might give fome Infight into a Law- 
fuit depending between the Branches of the Family, or expefted to be 
commenced ; and that there was a great Reward for the Difcovery of a 
North-weft Paflage, which, if the Account was attained from them 
they would be intitled to a Part, which by this Means they would be 
deprived of. Jealoufies of this Kind raifed by a pretended, at leaft an 
ignorant Friend, againft the Application of a Stranger, who afllured 
them he was iuperior to any Trick of that Sort, and would give tliem 
any Satisfaftion in his Power as they ftiould propoie, occafioned a Dif- 
appointment. The Son of Captain Nicholas, upon an Application made 
by the Author likewiie, had nothing but his Father's Sea Cheft, in whicli. 
there were once a great many Papers, and which his MotJier, the Wife 
of Captain Nicholas^, made a great Account of ; but the Son being an 
illiterate Man, had made Ule of them in the Family as wafte Paper. I 
have mentioned him as illiterate, but he was a well meaning Man, and he 
had heard his Mother talk fomething about fuch an Affair j but I lliall not 
lay a Strefs upon the Account he gave, as he may be fuppofed prompted 
by the earneft Manner of the Inquiry to give grateful Anfwers,. in Expeifla- 
tion of a Rewai'd. The Number of Settlers in all Fifcatua, the Province of 
Main included, did not at that Time exceed four Hundred People, but is 
now become a well fettled Country ; yet there was amongft the antient 
People about A7//t'?^, a Tradition of Captain Nicholas having been on 
fuch a Voyage, and as to which, on proper Application to Penons who. 
have Influence, and. v/ill make due Inquiry, it appears to me the Publick 


( 67 ) 

will receive a farther Satisfaftion than tJiey may at prefent cxpeft. A. 
confiderable Merchant who lived at Falraouth in Pifcatua, a Man oi 
Character, no Way biaffed for or againft a North-weft Paflage, but as 
he is fince dead, I may take the Liberty to fay, married a Daughter of 
his late Excellency Governor IVeytnouth, vasmionQd an Anecdote re- 
fpefting his Father, who was a very antient Man : That when the Dif- 
pute was between the late Governor Dobbs and Captain Middktott, he 
faid. Why do they make fuch a Fuzz about this Affair, our Old Nick 
(meaning Captain Shapley) was through there ? And this antient Gen- 
tleman had been an Intimate of Captain Shapleyh. 

Early in the Year before this Voyage M?jor General Gibbons went 
with others over to Pifcatua, to have a Conference about Church Mat- 
ters ; and Mr. Alexander Shapley was one on the Part of the Settlers in 
Pifcatita, and who had but returned from England the Fall before. At 
this Meeting, probably, they fixed on the Time and Manner of execu- 
ting the Defign, which they had before concerted. This whole Affair was 
concerted in an obfcure Part, the Affair not known to the People oi Bojlon, 
as it was more to the Purpofe of thofe who undertook it to keep it a Se- 
cret ; and probably Major Gibbons v/as more inclined it fliould be fo, as 
he had before met with two Difappointments. The Charafters of the 
Perfons were fuch, as by whom it is very reafonable to fuppofe fuch an 
Expedition might be undertaken. Mr. Alexander Shapley was a Mer- 
chant, a lively, adlive, enterprifmg Man ; fufEcient to this Purpofe hath 
been faid of his Brother : And we may add to the Character of Major 
General Gibbons, it was faid of him, that he was much of a Gentleman 
a brave, focial and friendly Man, had the latter End of the Year 1639 
a Commiflion to be Captain of the Fort, was one of the Council, alfo 
concerned in Church Matters, as appears from Records. But durino- 
the Time that this Voyage was making, as that worthy Paftor of Eofion 
and great Antiquarian Mr. Prince, who, from a generous Bifpofition to 
get at the Truth, ufed extraordinary Induftry in this Affair, by fearching 
the Records in the old Church there in the Year 1752, could not find 
his Fland fet to any Tiling, or any Matters relating to Major General 
Gibbons, tho' he found Papers figned by him frequently before, and other 
Tranfaftions in which he is mentioned to be concerned, alfo after the 
Time of this Voyage, and the only Objeftion that he could find was, 

K 2 • that 

( ^8 ) 

that the Wife of Major General Gibbons muil have had a feven Months 
Child, if he went on fuch Voyage, as it was a Cullom in the Church of 
Bojlon, at that Time, that the Child fhould be brought to be baptized 
the Sunday after it was born ; and by the Regifter it appears that this was 
the Cafe, according to the Time that it mull be fuppofed he returned. 

The Name was Edwa-rd Gibbons ; and Seimor is a Miftake of the Tran- 
flator, not obferving that as de Fonte refpedtfully ftiles Shapley Captain, 
he would not mention the Owner by his Chriftian Name only, a fine 
Gentleman and a Major General, but ftiles him agreeable thereto after 
the Spanijh Manner Sennor ; and this Miftake of the Tranflator, as to 
the Name, and not obferving that the Major General and the Owner 
were one and the fame Perfon, fhews that the Tranflator and Editors 
knew nothing of the Perfons mentioned. 

What is faid of the largeft Colony in New England, called the Alah 
techufets : The Dominions of Nezu England confifted, at that Time, of 
the Colonies of Plymouth, Majfachufets, and ConneSficut, of which Majfa- 
chufets was the largeft, as New Hampjhire, Pifcatua, and the Province of 
Main, were under its Jurifdiftion : And it is a little remarkable that the 
Admiral fhould call it the Maltechufets ; he apprehended it a Miftake, 
though fo exadt as to the Names Shapley and Gibbons ; feems to have 
■given the Alteration agreeable to his own Ideas, and that it muft have 
Reference to Malta. 

Tiie old Man told them the Ship was of New England, from the Town 
called Bojion, which was the only Place where they could fit out pro- 
perly or conveniently, the Part where Shapley lived confifting only of a 
few fcattered Houfes, and as it was very frequent from Bojlon to make 
Voyages to the Northward, their tiaie Dellgn for further Difcoveries 
might remain a Secret to all but themfelves. 

De Fonte's Addrefs to Gibbons as the Owner, reprefented fo on this Oc- 
cafion to ferve the Purpofe, though the Veflel feems to have been Akx- 
ander Shapley's, implies that he underftood, or took the Advantage on 
finding they had been trading with the Indians, that they had two Pur- 
poles in their Undertaking, to difcover a Paflage, and to trade. As to 
the firft, de Fonte tells him he had an Order to make a Prize of any 


( 69 ) 

People fecking a IFeJl or Nortb-iz^eft Tajfage, fpeaking in genefal Terms, 
not of them only, fo concealing the Advice he had received as to their 
particular undertaking of this Difcovery ; nor could it be peculiarly 
underftood as to the Subjects of England^ for the Danes alio, to their 
immortal Honour, had before attempted the fame Difcovery ; and in 
Confequence let him know that the Part he was in was of the Domi- 
nions of the Crown Q>i Spain^' ■&.% his Commiffion could be of no Force 
beyond the Extent of that Dominion. Be Fonte's Addrefs likewife im- 
plied, that as he would confider them only as Traders, that he would 
not make Prifoners of them on that Account ; but expedled after this 
Adventure that others would learn to keep nearer home, for Fear of 
falling into a like Accident, and meeting not with the fame favourable 
Treatment. Neverthelefs he takes effeftual Meafures to embarrafs then> 
on their Return, and obliges them to ftay no longer in thofe Parts, as he 
takes from them what de Fonte calls a fmall Prefent of Provifions, which 
he had no Need on, but he knew they might, and as to which, the Af- 
fair of Provifions, he gave fuch an Attention to, through the Courfe of 
his Voyage ; and though fmall what he accepted in refpeft to the Sub- 
fiftance of thofe he had with him, yet as the Sequel will fhew, was after- 
wards the Occafion of infinite Diftrefs to the Bojlon People. The Gift 
in return, which is pompoudy mentioned at twelve Hundred Pieces of 
Eight, when we confider the Price Things bore of this Sort where he 
purchafed it, in Peru, as he eftimates by Pieces of Eight, the Manner 
of Valuation in thofe Parts, would not be to Gibbons a Flundred Pounds 
Sterling ; and the Prefent to the Seamen mufl be confidered as in lieu 
of thefe Provifions ; and by this ^.Ieans of mutual Prelents countenanced 
what was abfolutely extorted by Force, as was the Cafe with Shapley, as 
to his Charts and Journals, which he would not have parted with, but 
conftrained through Fear ; and by his EngliJJo Seamen de Fonte could let 
them know that the Provifions, Charts, and Journals would be acceptable. 
He executed his Defign in this Manner, that if the 5(j/?(7« People re- 
turned there could be no proper Foundation for the Court of England. 
to take Umbrage at his Proceeding. 

The Generofity of de Fonte fo exceeding what their Prefent and the 
Charts and Journals could be worth, would be confidered as to make 
them fome Satisfaftion for their Difappointmentj for the Fears they had 


( 70 ) 

been put Into, and their being detained there ; the Gift of Wine, miglu 
be from a Refpeft to Major General Cibbcns, as an Officer, whom de 
Fontc lliles modeft, tho' he might perceive it to be the Effeft of liis Un- 
eafinefs on being thus intercepted. In all other Refpecls, what he gave 
was a Debt which the Crown of Spain would pay, would be confidered as 
Money advanced in their Service ; a Sum of noConfideration with them, 
as he had with thefe People, procured their Charts by which they got 
into the Secret, by v/hat Way they had advanced lb far, and probably 
very particular Charts and Journals of the other Voyagers whom Gibbons 
was acquainted with ; and he would endeavour to be furnifhed with all 
Materials which he could probably procure before that he let out. It 
would be greatly commended by the Court of Spai7i the artful Manage- 
ment of de Fonte in diftreffing thefe People, and not with a feeming In- 
tention, and giving an abfolute Difcouragement to other Adventurers, 
who would be afraid of falling into the Spaniards Hands, whom it would 
be fuppofed conftantly frequented thofe Parts. 

De Fonte only mentions the IlTue of this Affair, what would be imme- 
diately necefTary for the Court to know •, he mentions no intervening 
Circumftances, nor what Time there was between their Examination and 
the Prefents, whether he or they failed firft, but it muft be fuppofed 
they were more than a Day together, and that de Fonte would fee them 
out of thofe Parts, as, if they had ftaid longer, they might probably 
have fupplied themfelves well with Provifions, and proceeded further ; but 
as they were circumftanced, they would be put under a Neceffity to fet 
out for hom.e, would be glad to leave him the firft Opportunity ; and as 
de Fonte feems to be waiting for a Wind, which he had the fixth of 
Augujl, and it had in the interim been fair for the Bojlon People, they 
were certainly gone before that de Fonte let out on his Return. 

In the Ecclefiaftical Hiftory of Ne-w England, by the Reverend Cotton 
Mather, publiflied at London in 1702, in Folio, in his Account of won- 
derful Sea Deliverances, Book the fixth, is The wonderful Story of Major 

' Among remarkable Sea Deliverances, no lefs than three feveral 
* Writers have publiflied that wherein Major Edivard Gibbons was con- 

Q ' cerned 

( 71 > 

■ cerned. A Ve/Tel bound from Bojlon to feme other Parts of Jme- 
' ricuy was, through the Continuance of contrary Winds, ktpt fo 
' long at Sea, that the People aboard were in extreme ftraits for Wane 

■ of Provifion, and feeing that nothing here below could afford them: 
any Relief, they looked upwards unto Heaven, in humble and fervent 
Supplications. The Winds continuing ftill as they were, one of the 
Company made a forrowful Motion that they fhould, by a Lot^ fingle 
out One to die, and by Death to fatisfy the ravenous Hunger of the 
reft. After many a doleful and fearful Debate upon this Motion, they 
came to a Refult, that it muft be done I The Lot is caft ; one of the 
Company is taken ; but where is the Executioner that fhall do the ter- 
rible Office upon a poor Innocent ? It is a Death now to think who 
fliall aft this bloody Part in the Tragedy : But before they fall upon 
this involuntary and unnatural Execution, they once more went unto 
their zealous Prayers ; and, behold, while they were calling upon God, 
he anfwei-ed them, for there leaped a mighty Fi£h into their Boa:, 
which, to then- double Joy, not only quieted their outrageous Hun- 
ger, but alfo gave them fome Token of a further Deliverance : How- 
ever, the Fifh is quickly eaten ; the horrible Famine returns, the hor- 
rible Diftrefs is renewed ; a black Defpair again feizes their Spirits •. 
For another Morfel they come to a fecond Lot, which fell upon ano- 
ther Perfon -, but ftill they cannot find an Executioner : TJiey once 
again fall to their importunate Prayers ; and, behold, a fecond An- 
fwer from abo\-e ; a great Bird lights, and fixes itielt" on the Mart;. 
one of the M^n fpies it, and th^er-c it ftands until he took it by the 
Wing with his Hand. This v/as a fecond Life from the Dead. Tliis 
Fowl, with the Omen of a further Deliverance in it, was a fweet Feaft 
unto them. Still their Difappointments follow them ; they can lee 
no Land ; they know not where they are : Irrefill:able Hunger once 
more pinches them : They have no Hope to be faved but by « third. 
Miracle 2 They return to another Let; but before they go to tiie 
Heart-breaking Tdili of flaying the Perfon under Dejignaiion, tiiey re- 
peat their Addreffes unto the God of Heaven, their former Friend hi 
Adverfity -, and now tiiey look and look again, but tliere is notliing : 
Their Devotions arc concluded,, and nothing appears ;. yet they ilopcd, 
yet they ftaid, yet they lingered : At laft one of them fuies a Ship, 
which put a. aew Hope and Life into them ail : They bear u.p with. 

*■' iheir.- 

( 72 ) 

' th.eir Ship -, they man their Long-boat •, tlicy go to board the Veflel, 

' and are admitted. It proves a French Pyrate : M^or Gibbons Petitions 

' for a little Bread, and offers all for it ; but the Commander was one 

' who had formerly received confiderable Kindneflcs of Major Gibbons 

' at Bcftcn, and now replied chearfuUy, Major Gibbons, not an Hair of 

' you, or your Company, fhall perifo if it lies in ivy Paver to preferve 

' you. Accordingly he fupplied their Neccffities, and they made a com- 

' fortablc End of their Voyage.' 

There are nine other Accounts, in each of which the Places the Per- 
fons were bound to are particularly mentioned. In this Account (the 
Defio-n beincr only to fliew the wonderful Deliverance cF Gibbons) Dr. 
Mather could not mention the Place to which the Voyage had been 
made in any other Manner, than to feme other Parts cf America, which 
hath an exaft Correfpondence with the Voyage in which Major Gibbons 
was intercepted by de Fonte -, for that Voyage was properly to feveral * 
Parts, not being to one particular Part of America -, which Parts were, 
at that Time, namelefs. It is faid further, that their Misfortune was 
occafioned by contrary Winds. De Fonte had a fair W^ind from the fixth 
of Augufi to the fifth of September, and for a longer Time, fo contrary 
to the Bofton Ship ; afterwards they had the Wind again contrary, when 
they came into the Ocean, being North-weft or to Weftward of it, as 
they could fee no Land ; the Land expedted to be feen may be fuppofed 
the Land of Newfoundland, or they v/ere to Eaftward and Soutliward of 
the Gulph of St. Lawrence : And which Account of the Weather is agree- 
able to the Time of the Year that they were there, the latter End of 
September, or Beginning of October, being the Equinoftial Gales. Alfo 
as to the Fifn which muft have been a Sturgeon, which Filh frequently 
jump into Boats •, and fhews, as the Boat was out, that they had then 
moderate Weather, but contrary, though a hard Gale fucceeded, as 
one of the Birds of PafTage, which are alfo then going to Southward, 
was blown off the Coaft and tired, refted on the Mall. Far be it from 
me to reckon thefe as mere Accidents, and not the AlTiftances of the Al- 
mighty, but a Relief which the Almighty lent them by Contingencies 
which are natural : And as to the Ship, which was a French Pirate, fhe 
had probably come with a frelh Wind out of the Gulph of St. Lawrence, 
and {landing to Eaftward of Sables to clear that Ifland and Nautuchet, 


( 7Z ) 

for which fhe had a fair Wind ; and it is faid the Commander had an 
Acquaintance with Major Gibbons, and received Favours from him at 
Bojlon ; but I muft add an Anecdote, to fhew that there might alfo be 
another Reafon afiigned, which would not be fuitable to be publifhed 
with that Account ; Alexander Shapley had ufed to hold a Correipondence 
with thefe Kind of Gentry, as is evident from a fevere Cenfure on him 
on that Account, recorded in the Council Book at Bojlon. It was a 
Ship that Major Gibbons was in when intercepted by de Fonte ; and 
this Account alfo mentions a Ship. After the Death of Major Gibbons, 
his Family, according to the Account of a very antient Gentlewoman at 
Bojlon, removed to Bermuda ; which Lady, who was near ninety Years 
of Age, had fome traditional Account of the Major having been fuch a 
Voyage to difcover a new Way to the Eajl Indies, and fuffered much 
from the Snow and Ice, went through a great many Hardlhips, and, fhe 
faid, fhe thought it was from Bojlon that he fet out. The Perfons difco- 
vered by Monf. Grofeliers, at what he calls an Englijh Settlement, near 
Port Neljon, as it is now termed, were Benjamin the Son of Captain Za- 
chary Gillam, and fome others, from Bojlon, who were the fame Year 
taken to Canada, whofe Journal of that Voyage the Author hath feen, 
and thisCircumftance is mentioned in it, which Perfons have been miftaken 
for Major Gibbons and his Company. 

' We arrived at the River Parmentiers the nth of Augujl 86 Leao-ues," 
' and was on the South Side Lake Belle on board our Ships the 1 6th of 
' Augujl, before the fine Town Conojfct, where we found all Things well, 
' and the honeft Natives of Conojfet had, in our Abfence, treated our 
' People with great Humanity, and Capt. de Rorniuillo anfwered their 

* Civility and Juftice.' 

We have been before told, that the Admiral went fixty Leagues up 
Los Reyes, which I take to be the whole Diftance between the Entrance 
of Los Reyes to Conojfet in Lake Belle ; and if we tranfpofe the above 
Words, ' arrived at Partnentiers the eleventh of Augujl, and was on tlie 
» South Side Lake Belle eighty-fix Leagues on board our Ships the fix- 

* teenth oi Augujl,' then we have the Diftances refpecling every Part of ^i? 
Fonte'h Courfe thro' Land, from Los Reyes to Conojfet fixty Leagues, from 
Conojfet to Lake de Fonte eighty-fix Leagues, from the Entrance of Lake 

L de 

( 74 ) 

de Fonte to the Streight of Ronquillo one Hundred and fixty Leagues,, 
from the Entrance of the Streight of RonquiUo to the Sea thirty-fix 
Leagues. The Time that ds Fonte was pafling down the River of Par- 
meniiers, and the Time he took to return, are equal, which is plainly 
owino- to lus being obliged to wait the Tides for getting over the Falk 
both Ways. The fixth of July they had entered the Lake de Fonte, and 
by the fifteenth were through the Streights of Ronquillo, and at the /«- 
dian Town the feventeenth, fo they were eleven Days from their En- 
trance into the Lake de Fonte ; but in their return the fame Way only- 
five, favoured by a ftrong Current v/hich tlie Wind occafioned to fet into 
the Lake, and having as much Wind as they could fl,y before, and now 
came direftly back ; whereas in their Paflfage out they had made fome 
Delays. The Courfe to Conojfet being neareft North-eaft, I compute it 
to be in Lat. p,6 Deg. Long. ii8° i' irom London. The Entrance of 
Lake de Fonte (fuppofing the Courfe of the River Parmeniiers and from 
Conojfet Eaft North Eaft) in Lat. 59° 4 . Long. 113°. The Entrance of 
the Streights of Ronquilb Eaft North Eaft, in Lat. 61 Deg. 8 Min.. 
Long. 98 Deg. 48 Min. the Courfe through the Streights to enter the 
Sea North by Eaft, fuch Entrance to be in Lat. 62 Deg. 48 Min. Long. 
98 Deg. 2 Min. which Courfe muft be confiftent with de Fonte" s Accownl 
that a ftrong Current fet in, as by this Courfe fuch Current muft be accele- 
rated, if it fet to the Southward, by the Wind from the Northward, or if it 

was from the Southward, would be oppofed in going to the Northward. 


De Fonte proceeds to give an Account of the good Eftate in which 
he found all Things on his Return ; mentions the Honefty and Huma- 
nity of the Natives, and the prudent ConduiSt of Captain Ronquillo, 
who anfwered their Civility and Juftice. For they had, during the Time 
of de Fonte'i, Abfence, procured, by dealing with the Natives, Store of 
aood Provifions to fait, Venifon, Fifti ; alfo one Hundred Flogftieads of 
Indian Maiz ; befides the Service this would be of on their Return, pro- 
cured purfuant to dx Fonte's Order, it employed the People, with the 
other neceftary Work about the Ships after fo long a Run, and kept 
them from brangling with the Natives. The Natives were alfo employed 
to their Intereft, which preferved them in good Humour ; and a Juftice 
in dealing preferved their Friendlhip. 

♦ The 

( 75 ) 

* The ,2pth of Atigufi an Indian brought me a Letter to Conojj'et, oh 

* the Lake Belle^ from Captain Bernai-da, dated the nth of Jugu/, 
' where he fent ine Word he was returned from his cold Expedition, 
' and did afllire me there was no Communication out of the Spanijh or 
' Atlantkk Sea, by Davis Streight •, for the Natives had conducted one 
' of his Seamen to the Head of Davis Streight, which terminated in a 
' frefli Lake, of about 30 Mile in Circumference, in the 80th Degree 

* of North Latitude ; and that there was prodigious Mountains Nortii 
' of it, befides the North-weft from that Lake the Ice was fo fixed, that 
' from the Shore to lOo Fathom of Water, for ought he knew from the 
' Creation -, for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, 
' efpecially near the North and South Poles : He writ further, that he 
' had failed from Bajfet Ifland North Eaft, and Eaft North Eaft, and 
' North Eaft and by Eaft, to the 7gth Degree of Latitude, and the 
' Land trended North, and the Ice refted on the Land.' 

The Orders Bemarda received were to fail up a River North and 
North Eaft, North and North Weft, which River I fuppofe to have 
emptied itfelf near to Los Reyes into the Soutli-eaft Part of the South 
Sea ; and it is not uncommon, in America, that two great Rivers ftiould 
have their Entrances contiguous to each other ; and I fuppofe Conabaf- 
fet, afterwards called Baffet, to be in Lat. 58 Deg. 10 Min. to the Weft- 
ward of Los Reyes in Long. 122 Deg. 9 Min. from London. The Courfe 
up the River Haro North 1 4 Deg. Weft -, and as Conojfct is laid down in 
Lat. c^6 Deg. Long. 1 18 Deg. 2 Min. the Diftance from Bcjfet to Co- 
iiojfet is one Hundred and feventy-feven Miles ; the Courfe North 46 
, Deg. Weft. The Letter by the firft Meflenger was dated the 27th of 
June, and is received the fourth Day, as he could not come a diredl 
Courfe, we may fuppofe he travelled fifty Miles a Day, which is an 
extraordinary Allowance, the greateft Part by Water, and Light moft of 
the Night. We know he would go Part by Water in Lake Belk, and 
Lake Belle ifTuing its Waters both by Los Reyes and the River Par- 
menliers, muft receive fome confiderable Influx of Waters by which 
it is forgied, as well as to give a conftant Supply of the Waters 
that ifllie from it, and which muft be principally or only from the 
Northward, for it cannot be fuppofed to receive its Waters from the 
Southward, and difcharge them there again, and which the Meflenger 
. L 2 would 

( 76 ) 

would make Ufe of as foon as pofTible, and come down Stream. The 
fecond Meflenger, who is exprefly mentioned to be an Indian, is nine 
Days a coming. But Bernarda mentions nothing as to his Ship or Peo- 
ple in this Account, only fays he is returned from his cold Expedition, 
therefore probably he fent away the Indian as foon as he could after he 
entered the River, which ran into the Tartarian Sea, in Lat. 6i. If 
this was the Cafe, we may fuppcfe that the Waters which came into the 
Lake Belle head a great Way up in the Country. 

Bernarda had Direflions, after he left Lake Valafco, to fail one Hun- 
dred and forty Leagues Weft, and then four Hundred and thirty Leag\ies 
North Eaft by Eaft to feventy-feven Degrees of Latitude. Bernarda^ 
in his Letter of the 27th of June obferves, there was a River eighty 
Leagues in Length, not comprehended in his Inftruftions or Orders, 
and emptied itfelf in the Tartarian Sea ; and fays, in his Letter of the 
1 1 th of Augtijl, that he failed from the Ifland Bajfct North-caft ; with that 
Courfe, when he entered the Tartarian Sea, in Latitude 61, his Lon- 
gitude would be 1 1 6 Deg. he then begins the Courfe de Fonte direflcd 
him, one Hundred and forty Leagues Eaft North Eaft ; and he mentions 
on his Return he had fteered that Courfe, keeping the Land aboard. So 
that JVeft and the Land trending North Eaft, are IMiftakes in the Publi- 
cation in April; but the mentioning how the Land trended, fhews he 
was then entering the Sea ; for to talk of Land, with refpeft to a Ri- 
ver, is abfurd ; and with the Courfe and Diftance he fteered would be 
in Lat. 61, Deg. -^^ Min. and Long, no Deg. from London: Then he 
fteers fourPIundred and thirty-fix LeaguesNorth Eaft and by Eaft, and that 
brings him into Latitude 79 Deg. Long. 87 Deg. from London. But 
the Land trending North, and with Ice, which would be dangerous for 
the Periagos -, and as tlie Land trended North, where he was appearing 
to him to be the neareft Part he could attain to to go to the Elead of 
Davis Streight ; and as to the Diftance over Land, and the Propriety 
of fending a Meflenger, the Indians would inform him ; he fends a Sea- 
man over with an Indian to take a Survey of the Head of fuch Streights, 
by us called BaffiTi's Bay ; which Name was not at that Time generally 
received. Which Seaman reports, that it terminated in the eightieth 
Degree of Latitude, in a Lake of about thirty Miles in Circumference, 
with prodigious Mountains North of it, which indeed formed that Lake, 


( 77 ) 

or is a Sound, as that of Sir James Lancajier and oi Jlderman Jones; 
and along the Shore, from the Lake North-weft, the Ice was fixed, 
lying a great Diftance out, which was very confiftent with there beino- no 
Inlets there, the Waters from which would have let it off. The Diftance 
that the Indian and Sailor travelled would not exceed fifty IVIiles ; and 
their mentioning the high Mountains to Northward imply, that they 
were in a more level Country where they were to take this View. Lio-ht 
all Night, the Snow off the Ground, and the Heighth of Summer there. 
It is no vain Conjecture to fuppofe tlia; the Journey was prafticable, 
even if performed all the Way by Land, and much eafier, which is not 
the leaft improbable, if they had an Opportunity of making Part of it by 
Water. Bernarda proceeding thus far in the Tartarian Sea, and enter- 
ing in Latitude 6i, is no Way contradi6tory to tlie RuJJian Difcoveries -, 
and by the 'Tartarian Sea is meant, the Sea which walhes the Northern 
Coafts of Tartary, and is fuppofed to extend round the Pole. Thofe 
Difcoveries are agreeable to the Japanefe Map, as to the North-eaft 
Parts of Jfia, and North-weft Parts of America, brought over by Kemper, 
and in which Mapthereis exprcffed aBranch of the fT'^r/^r/rt^ Sea orGulph, 
extending to the Southward, agreeable to this Account of de Fonte. Who 
calls it, with refpedl to Afia, the North and Eaft Part of the Tartarian 
Sea. Which compared with what de Fonte fays, as to failing down the 
River to the North-eaft Part of the South Sea, thcie Exprefllons caft a 
mutual Light on each other, and that the Archipelagiis of Saint Lazarus 
is a Gulph or Branch of the Sea, in the like Manner. 

Places which are in one and the fame Latitude, have not an equal 
Degree of Heat or Cold, or are equally fertile or barren, the Difference 
in thefe Refpefts chiefly confifts in their Situation. Tiie Country of La- 
hrador, which is to Eaftward oi Hudfon's Bay, in Latitude ^6, almoft as 
high a Latitude as Port Nelfon, is a Country capable of being improved 
by Agriculture, and would fupply all the Neceflaries of Life, ihouoh 
intermixed with rugged and craggy Mountains. The Winter's not lb 
fevere as in the more Southern Parts oi Hudfon\ Bay, as the Earth 
is not froze there, as it is in the fame and lower Latitudes about that 
Bay : Alfo People have wintered in the Labrador, wearing only their 
ufual Cloathing : Therefore drawing a Parallel between Port Nelfon and 
ConoJfet, as to the Infertility of one, therefore the other being in the 


( 78 ) 

Jame Latitude, could not produce Maiz to fupply RonquiUo, is an Ob 
jedion which hath no Foundation in it. The higher the Latitude the 
quicker is the Vegetation ■., and as Indian Corn or Maiz may be planted 
and gathered in three Months in lower Latitudes, it may be in an equal 
or lefs Time in higher Latitudes, in a good Soil. As to Port Nelfon^ or 
2''ork Fort, in H:tdfon''& Bay, it is a low Country through which two ..large 
Rivers pals, with the Bay in Front, and nothing is certainly knovm of 

■ the more inland Parts. 

The phyfical Obftacles that are produced againft our giving Credit to 
this Account of de Fonie, from the Depth of the Falls at the Entrance of 

■ 'L.ak.e. Belle in the, River Parmentiers, and from the River Bernarda palled 
up, are, from not underftanding what Is expreffed by the Word Falls 
amongft the Americans. They mean by a Fall wherever there Is tlie 
leaft Declivity of the Water ; and the Fall of thirty-two Feet in the Ri- 
ver Par;nentiers, doth not mean a perpendicular Fall, as the Objeftor 
would have it underftpod, however ridiculous to fuppofe it, but eight 
gradual Defcents, from the Beginning of which to the Extremity of the 
laft there was a Difference of thirty-two Feet, and which became level 
or even at the Time of high Water. 

What Bernarda fays as to his cold Expedition, a Perlbn ufed to the 
Climate of Peru might juftly fay fo, of the Nights and Evenings 
and Mornings, at that Time of the Year, in the Latitude of feventy- 
nine, though temperate in Latitude fifty-fix ; and the whole DIfpofition 
of the Country, the immenfe high Lands, their barren and delert Afpect, 
in Places their Summits covered with perpetual Snow, the Ice fixed to 
- the Shores, Sheets of floating Ice in the Waters, the Immenfe Iflands, 
frequently feeing Whales, Sea-horfe, and a great Variety of the Inhabi- 
tants of thofe Waters, which do not frequent the Southern Farts : The 
Whole a Scene fo different from, the Verdure and Delights of the Plains 
about Lima, and from the pleafing Views that prefent themfelves on run- 
ning along the Coafts of Peru, Bernarda might well be affefted with fuch 
Scene as to exprefs himfelf, that Mankind knew little of the wonderful 
Works of God, efpecially near the North and the South Poles. But he 
was not fo ignorant as to report, that he faw Mountains of Ice on the 
Land, as well as in the Sea, though he might fee them forming between 
3 Points 

( 79 ) 

Points of Land, which jetted out into the Sea ; and fuch a Column of 
Ice would appear to him as fomething very curious. 

. That thefe Parts were inhabited does not appear, for it was a Native 
tii ConibaJJ'et that condufted the Seaman over the Land 5 and, at that 
Seafon of the Year, the frelh Waters are thawed, no Snow on the 
low and level Lands, only on the extreme Summits of the Hills. 

What is objeftcd as to the Affability of the Inhabitants, that it is not 
confident with the Charafter of tlie Indians. Hofpitality is the Charac- 
teriftick of the Indians towards Strangers, until fuch Time as they are 
prejudiced from fome ill Treatment ; and by the Account given by Sir 
Francis Drake, as to the Indians of California, and by the Spaniards who 
furveyed the Weftern Coafts, and the Iflands lying off, they are repre- 
. fented in general as a kind, tradable PeoplCj and of a docile Temper. 

As to the Difpatch ufed by Indians in carrying Exprefles, or their 
Runners as they term them, to carry Meffages from one Nation to ano- 
ther, tliey will gird themfelves up with the Rhind of Trees, and keep 
going inceffantly great Diftances with a furprifing Agility Night and 
Day, taking little either of Sleep or otlier Refrefhments, and keep a 
direfb Courfe, and in the Night fteer either by the Moon or Stars. Nor 
is there any Thing miraculous in thefe Journeys, which the Expreffes 
performed, either as to Diftance or as to Time, efpecially as they pafled 
through a Country abounding with Waters, and which Country beino- in- 
habited they could be fupplied with Canoes, or they would find Floats. 
at the Places where they ufually pafs the Waters. 

Bernarda meeting de Fonte at a Port up the River Rio los Reyes, fhev/s 
he had Perfons aboard who could direft him there, therefore muft have 
been previoufly there ; and they can be fuppofed to be no other than the 
Jefuits, which is a further Proof of tlie Jefuits having been before in thefe 
Parts. It was confiilient that the Ships fhould join and return home 
together. From where Bernarda came to wuh his Ship was one Hun- 
■dred and twenty Miles to Conoffet : His Letter from thence was dated 
the 29th 6i Auguft, and de Fonte failed the fecond oi September : It may 
he fuppofed the Letter came to Hand the firft of September, v/hich is 


( 8o ) 

four Days, and the Exprefs had nov/ all the Way by Water, and moftly 
againft Stream. De Fonte, to fhew that he had preferved the Affec- 
tion of the Natives, mentions that he was accompanied with them ; and 
they were of Affiftance to him in the Pilotage down the River. De 
Fonte adds, he had fent a Chart with the Letter, which is mifunderftood, 
as if fuch Chart had come to the Hands of the Editors ; which will 
make this much more demonfirative., were Words added by them j but it 
was ufual in all the Naval Expeditions to have Perfons aboard whom 
they called Cofmographers, to take Draughts of Places, and compofe 
dieir Charts, and at that Time a very reputable Employment. 

Miguel Venegas, a Mexican Jefuit, publifhed at Madrid in 1758, a Na- 
tural and Civil Hiftory of California ; a Tranflation of which was pub- 
lifhed in London in 1759, in two Volumes ; and Vol. i. P. 185, fays, 

* To this iEra (the laft Voyage he mentions was in 1636) belongs the 
' Contents of a Paper publifhed at London, under the Title of the Nar- 
' rative of Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in 
« New Spain and Peru, and Prefident of Chili, giving an Account of the 

* mofl remarkable Tranfaftions and Adventures in this Voyage, for the 

* Difcovery of a PafTage from the South Sea, to that of the North in the 
^ Northern Hemifphere, by Order of the Viceroy of Peru in the Year 1640. 

* This Writing contains feveral Accounts relating to California > but 
' without entering into long Difputes, let it fufEce to fay, that little 
' Credit is to be given to this Narrative. For the fame Reafon we have 

* before omitted the Accounts of Voyages made from the South Sea to 

* the North round beyond California, and thofe of a contraiy Diredtion, 
' of which an Account is given by Captain Seixas and Lchero, in nea- 
' tro Naval, in Spanip and French ; and particularly of that Spaniard 
'■ who is fuppofed, in three Months, to have come from Puerto de Na- 

* vidad and Cal>o Corientes to Lifbon. Thefe and other Accounts dil- 
' perfed in different Books, we defignedly omit, as they want the necef- 

* iary Authenticity.' 

This Work was publifhed with a Defign to induce the Court of Spain 
to a further Conquefl of, an intire Redudlion of, and the full fettling 
of California, as of the utmoft Importance to Religion and the State ; 
and one of the Arguments is, for their immediate putting what he re- 

( 8i ) 

commends in Execution, the repeated Attempts of the Englijh to find 
a PalTage into the South Sea. And oblerves, ' Should they one Day fuc- 
' ceed in this, why may not the Englifi come dov/n through their Con ■ 
' quefts, and even make themfelves Mailers of Ncvj Mexico, i^c' which 
implies, that he did not look, on fuch an Attempt as void of all Hopes 
ofSuccefs; and he again fays,' Whoever is acquainted with the pre- 

* fent Difpofition of the EngliJJj Nation, and has heard with what Zeal 
' and Ardour the Projeft for a North-weft Paffage has been efpoufed by 
' many confiderable Perfons, will be convinced that the Scheme is not 
' romantick, and it would not be furprizing if the Execution of it fhouid 
' one Day come under Deliberation.' Thus artfully hints, fhouid the 
Scheme come under Deliberation, the Event would be to be feared j 
and though he afcribes his Opinion of its not being romantick, is, to 
many confiderable Perfons having efpoufed the Scheme, yet he tacitly ap- 
plies to their own Knowledge, to what the Court of Spain knows as to 
this Paffage. He then proceeds, ' If this fhouid ever happen,' the De- 
liberation, ' what would be the Condition of our Poffeffions ?' The 
Deliberation would, from Confequences that would follow on fuch a 
Deliberation, endanger our Poffeffions. 

Bon Cortex informed the King, by a Letter of the 15th oi OBoher 
1524, that he was building two Ships, to get a Knowledge of the Coalt 
yet undifcovered between the River of Panaco and Florida, and from 
thence to the Northern Coaft of the faid Country of Florida, as far as 
the Baccaloo, ' It being certain, as he expreffes himfelf, that on that 
' Coaft is a Streight running into the South Sea' — ' God grant that the 

* Squadron may compafs the End for which it is defigned, namely, to 

* difcover the Streight, which I am fully perfuaded they will do, be- 

* caufe in the Royal Concerns of your Majefty notliing can be con- 
' cealed ; and no Diligence or Neceffaries ihall be wanting in me to ef- 
' fedl it.' Again, ' I hereby inform your Majefty, that by the Intelli- 
' gence I have received of the Countries on the upper Coaft of the 
' fending the Ships along, it will be attended with great Advantage to 
' me, and no lefs to your Majefty. But acquainted as I am with your 
' Majefty's Defire of knowing this Streight, and likewife of the great 
^ Service it would be to your Royal Crown.' Vol. i. P. 130. 

M Agreeable 

X S2 ) 

Agreeable to this Letter feveral- Attempts were made by Sea to dii'co- 
ver whether Florida was Part of the Continent, or feparated by aStreight; 
but whether Cortez purfued his Defign by icarching between Florida 
along the Coaft of Baccaloos, Newfoundland^, and the "Terra de Labrador ^ 
for a Streight, by which there was a Paflage from the North to the 
South Sea is vincertain. New Spain comprehended the Country from the 
Cape of Labrador to the Cape Ji? los Martires,. or of Martyrs, oppofue to 
the Ifland of Ctd^a. Fronv thence to the Streights of Magellan was 
called Florida.. 

The King of Portugal, with a View of finding a Ihorter PafTage to 
thofe Parts of the Indies., which he had difcovered, than by the Cape of 
Good. Hope, fent, in the Year fifteen Hundred, Gafper de Corte Real to 
the North of America, who landed on the Terra de Labrador ; alfo gave 
his Name to a Promontory on that Coaft which he called Promonterium 
Corteriale. The Name of Labrador implies a fertile Country, and given 
in Diftinftion from the high barren mountainous Country to Northward, 
which Gafper difcovered in Latitude fixty, and to the Southward of it. 
But this Diftinclion feems to have been foon loft, and the Name oi La- 
brador is now given to. the whole Coaft. 

From the Knowledge we have of thefe Parts w^e may conclude, that 
the Promonteriitm Corteriale was what we at prefent name Cape Chidley, 
and the I Hands de Demonios, where Gafper loft a Veflel, thofe Iflands 
now named Button''^ Iflands ; and it was Hudfon\ Streights to which he 
gave the Name of the River of the Three Brothers, though the Reafon. 
of his giving that Name is not known to us. 

We may perceive from diis Account of Gafper\ Voyage, who did not 
proceed to Weftward to make a Paflage, but coafted down the main 
Land, the Accounts of their being a Portv.guefe who made a Voyage 
through the Streights of Anian^ calling a Promontory after his Name 
Promonterium Corteriale, hath had fome Foundation in Truth ; and in 
what is faid by Frijius, an anticnt Geograj^her, calling it the Streights 
of Three Brothers, or Anion (which that Word imports) becaufe three 
Brothers had pafied through a Streight from the North to the South Sea. 
It is alfo apparent that the Name oi Anian was firft given by Gafper 


( 83 ) 

Corterialis (for fome particular Rcafon unknown to us) to tliat Pirt, 
. •which is now Hudfoti's Streiglits. Though in Time this became a proper 
Name to exprefs a Streight by which there is a Paflage from the Norib 
to the South Sea, and is contended for to be the proper Name of 
tlie Streight that divides /Ifia from America, by wliich there is a Com- 
munication with the T!artarian and Southern Ocean. After a Difcovery 
of thefe Coafts had been made to Northward, the following Year the 
King of Portugal fent Atnericus Vefpifm^ to Southward, to difcover the 
Land there. 

Cortex's Defigns feem to have their Foundation in thefe Expeditions 
of the Portuguefe ; but it was not until after the Year 1513, that tlie 
South Sea was difcovered, and the Portugueze had difcovered the Mo- 
luccas, that the finding a Streight to the Northward, by which a Paflage 
might be made to the South Sea, became a Matter of particular Atten- 
tion, and was the firft and principal Objedl of Cortex's Attention after 
he had become Mafter.of the Capital oi Mexico in 1521 ; and this Opi- 
nion of a Paflage to Northward continued during the Reign of Charles 
the Fifth. Who in the Year 1524 fent from Old Spain to difcover a Paf- 
fage to the Moluccas by the North of America, without Succefs -, but 
EJieven Gomex, who was fent on that Expedition, brought fome Indians 
home with him. Then in the Year 1526 Charles the Fifth wrote to Cor- 
tex, in Anfwer to his Letters, and orders him to fend the Ships at Za~ 
capila to difcover a Pafl'age from New Spain to the Moluccas. 

From this Time, the Year 1526, the Opinion of there being a Strcic^hi 
was generally received, though on what Foundation does not appear- 
It was certaijily on fome better Reafon than Gafper's Difcoveries ; and a 
Confideration of the Importance fuch a Pafl!age would be of to the Kino- 
of Spain with refpedt to the Spice Iflands. It is confiftent with the Cha- 
rafters of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and of Cortex, when there were 
fo many other Iblid Projefts to purfue and this was preferred, to fuppofe 
that they fliould go, at that Time, on a meer vifionary Scheme. 

The fame Opinion of a Paflage to Northward prevailed in the Time 
oi Philip the Second, and in the Year 1596 he fent Orders to the Vice- 

M 2 roy 

( H ) 

■ roy of Mexico for diltovering and making Settlements in proper Parts of 
California, and one Reafon affigned was, ' There was much Talk about 
' the Streight of Anion, through which the South Sea was faid to com- 
' municate with that of the North, near Newfoundland ; and fhould the 
' Englijh find out a prafticable PafTage on that Side, our Dominions, 
' which then included all Portuguefe India, would be no longer fecure, 
' all the Coaft from Acapilco to Cidiacan being quite defencelefs, and 
' from Culiaccii Northward, not one fingle Settlement was made on the 

♦ whole Coaft.' Hift. Cal. V. i. P. 163. That now not only the Opi- 
nion of there being a Streight prevailed^ but it was alfo fixed as to the 
Part, and had the Name of Anian. 

The Opinion of a PaJTage ftill exifted in the Reign of Philip the 
Third ; and the fame political Motives induced him to order the Con- 
queft of California to be undertaken with all poflible Expedition ; and 
one Reafon affigned is, ' His Majefty alfo found among other Papers a 

♦ Narrative delivered by fome Foreigners to his Father, giving an Ac- 
*• count of many remarkable Particulars which they fav/ in that Country, 
' when driven thither by Strefs of Weather from the Coaft of Newfound- 
' land ; adding, they had pafTed from the North Sea to the South, by 
' the Streight of Anian, which lies beyond C:}:Tpe Mendocino ; and that 
' they had arrived at a populous and opulent City, walled and well 
' fortified, the Inhabitants living under a regular Policy, and were a fen- 
' fible and courteous People-, with many other Particulars well ^vorth 
' a further Enquir)'.' It muft be confidered this is given us in theHi- 
fiorj of California, V. ii. P. 239, from the Monarchia Indiana of Juan 
T:'orqiiemada, a learned Francifcan, published at Madrid in 161 3, and 
republiftied in 17 23, Vol. i. P. 629, That a Paper of this Sort was found 
in the Cabinet of Philip the Second, was thought deferving the Atten- 
tion of Philip the Third. However the Matter of it is reprefented here, 
for nothing could be publiftied but what was firft perufed and altered, 
fo as to make it confiftent with the Intereft of Holy Church, the State, 
or good Manners,, before it was licenfed, fuch Paper muft have contained 
fome material Intelligence as to a Paflage -, and if is faid to have con- 
tained feme remarkable Particulars. Neither would the Work have been 
licenfed, if what is related as to their having been fueh a Paper, had 
not been true. 


( 85 ) 

Torquemada, Vol, i. P. 20, quotes Francifco Lopez de Gomara, deemed 
a careful Writer, and Author of the Hiftory of the Indies. Who fays the 
Snowy Mountains are in forty Degrees, and the furthernioft Land that is 
laid down in our Maps ; but the Coaft runs to the Northward until it 
comes to form an Ifland by t\vt Labrador, or as ie-pzrztediirom Greenland; 
and thisExtremity of the Land is fiveHundred and ten Leagues inLeno-th. 

As to what is faid as to the Latitude of forty Degrees in this Quota- 
tion from Gomara, Torquemada hath prefixed a Map to his Work, agree ■ 
able to that formed by the King's Cofmographers, in which he hath 
made the moft Weftern and Northern Part of the Land in almoft forty- 
feven Degrees^ and then the Land trends to the Eaftward, and the Ser- 
ras Nevadas are reprefented to extend a great Length along the Coaft, 
and to Latitude ^y Degrees. Mentions, Vol. i. P. 16, the Royal Cofmo- 
graphers do not infert any Thing in their Charts of the Sea Coafts but 
what they have upon Oath, or from creditable Perfons ; and ' They make 
• a Supputation in the Northern Parts of Iflands, which do not lie near or 
' contiguous to the Lands oi Europe ; as to which Iflands, not long fince 
' difcovered, the one is called Iceland, the other Greenland, which are 
' the Bounds, Limits, or Marks, that divide the Land of the Indies 
' from any other Part howfoever fituated or difpofed;', afterwards ob- 
ferves, which Iflands are not far from the Labrador -, from which it is 
plain he calls America an Ifland. And this is agreeable to what Acofia 
fays, in the Senfe which I underftand him, that ^tivira and Anian extend 
to the Weftern Extremity oi America-; and that the Extremity of the 
Kingdom oi Anian to the North exu -rl, under the Polar or Artick Circle, 
and, if the Sea did not prevent it, vvO'.ud be found to join the Countries 
of Tartary and China ; and the Streight Qt Anian takes its Courfe throuo-h 
the Northern Region, under the Polar Circle, tovizrds Greenland, Iceland, 
England, and to the Northern Parts oi Spain. By Greenlajid I .undsr- 
ftand the Land to Northward, which is the North Part of Hudfon's, 
Streights, and Cumberland Ifles ; and that this Streight fhould determine - 
here is agreeable to \i\iax Cor tez fays he would fend to fearch as far as 
the Bacccllaos, {y^]\\ch. was. -a Name given hj Cabot in J 496) for the 
Streight by which he expedled a Paflage from the North to the South Sec. 
By Iceland is meant, as is apparent from a View of fuch Map hereunto an- 
nexed, the Land to Northward of Cape FcrfWi?/, q^: xkit Proper Greenland. . 


( B6 ) 

..Comara mentions thefe Iflands'had not been long difcovered. It is ap- 
parent from the Map, that they hed a. very imperfeft Account of thefe 
Difcoveries, which were made by Frcbifljer and Davis^ who alfo were far 
from being exail in their Computations of tiie Longitude. 

In this Map prefixed to Torquemada'a Work, and here annexed, the 
'Southern Part oi Ne-zcfoundhjid-hls^id. down in Lat. c^^^ nine Degrees more 
to theNorthv/ard than it ought to be, forwhichReafon xhe Labrador, Creen- 
h'.nd, and Iceland, are placed much further to Northward than they ought 
. to be placed, and are made to extend beyond the Polar Circle. It is from 
this Suppofition oi Newfoundland being in fo high a Latitude th^zAcofta 
fays, the Streight of Anian takes its Courfe through the Northern Re- 
gion under the Polar Circle towards Greenland and Iceland. In the fame 
Map the extremeil Point of California, anfwerable to Cape St. Lucas, is 
.laid down in Longitude 105 .Degrees from the Meridian of Ferro, and 
the Extremity of the Land to Weftward a Cape to Northward of Cape 
Fortunes, but to which no Name is given, and in Latitude 47, is placed 
in 1 3 ^ Degrees from the Meridian of Ferro ; the Difference of Longitude 
is 30 Degrees. This Map, publifhed by Torqucmcda, was conftrufted 
before the Year 1612, therefore prior to a Map publifhed in Holland in 
1619, under the Title of Nova Totius Orbis Defer iptio, prefixed to the 
Voyage of George Splbergen, in which the Errors of Torquemada\ Map, 
as to the Situation of Newfoundland, and the Places to Northward are 
correfted •, yet great Errors are committed as to the Parts to Weftward 
of America, making eighty-five Degrees of Longitude between Cape St. 
Lucas and the Extremity of the Land to Weftward and Northward in 
Lat. 42 -, and ninety-five Degrees between Cape St. Lucas and the Ex- 
tremity of the Land neareft to Afia. The Reafon of this Difference is 
plain, they both err with refped to thofe Parts, of which they had not 
authenticated Accounts. 

Cortez wrote to the Emperor that he had fent People on Dil'co- 
very, both by Land and Water, it was not defigned that their Dif- 
coveries Ihould be communicated, as Cortez intended to turn them 
to his own private Advantage. But when Mendoza fitted out two Ar- 
maments, one by Land under the Command of Coronado, and the 
other by Sea under Alarcon ; Alarcon was ordered to Latitude ^^, to 
join the Land Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coaft, and fee if 


The Origr Xjrqucmattas ^lONARQUIA IN DIAN A . Fi^/ A — - 

( 86 ) 

iCoinara mentions thefe IflandsJiad not been long tUfcovered. It is ap- 
, parent from the iVIap, that they hid a .very imperfeft Account of thefe 
Difcoveries, which were made by Frcbijher and Davis, who aUb were far 
from being exad in their Computations of the Longitude. 

In this Map prefixed to Torquemada's Work, and here annexed, the 
"Scn.ithern Part of Newfoundlajid-hhld down in Lat. §^, nineDegrees more 
.to theNorthv/ard than it ought tobe, for. which Reafon the Labrador, Creeii- 
-hmd, and Iceland, are placed much. further to Northward than they ought 
, to be placed, and are made to extend beyond the Polar Circle. It is from 
this Suppofition oi Newfoundland being in fo high a Latitude i\\2it Acojla 
fays, the Streight of Anion takes its Courfe through the Northern Re- 
gion under the Polar Circle towards Greenland and Iceland. In the fame 
Map the extremeil Point of California, anfwerable to Cape St. Lucas, is 
laid down in Longitude 105 Degrees from the Meridian of Ferro, and 
the Extremity of the Land to Weft ward a Cape to Northward of Cape 
Fortunes, but to which no Name is given, and in Latitude 47, is placed 
in 135 Degrees from the Meridian oi Ferro ; the Difference of Longitude 
is 30 Degrees. This Map, publifhed h^ Torqucmada, was conftru<5led 
before the Year 161 2, therefore prior to a Map publifhed m Holland m 
1619, under the Title of Nova Totitis Orbis Defer iptio, prefixed to the 
Voyage oi George Spilbergen, in which the Errors of Torquemada''s Map, 
as to the Situation of Newfoundland, and the Places to Northward are 
corre6ted -, yet great En-ors are committed as to the Parts to Weftward 
of America, making eighty-five Degrees of Longitude between Cape St. 
. Lucas and the Extremity of the Land to Weftward and Northward in 
Lat. 42 •, and ninety-five Degrees between Cape St. Lucas and the Ex- 
tremity of the Land neareft to AJia. The Reafon of this Difference is 
plain, they both err with refpeft to thole Parts, of which they had not 
authenticated Accounts. 

Cortex wrote to the Emperor that he had lent People on Difco- 
very, both by Land and Water, it was not defigned that their Dif- 
coveries Ihould be communicated, as Cortex intended to turn them 
to his own private Advantage. But when Mendoza fitted out two Ar- 
maments, one by Land vmder the Command of Coronado, and the 
other by Sea under Alarcon ; Alarcon was ordered to Latitude c^i, to 
join the Land Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coaft, and fee if 


I'h^ Original/;,./,, ,i/,L-/, i/uj Map u ,„fi,y/./i;u piiMj/ii,/ 

//li I'.'EMii.'ri ,y"l'.ir,iiicm.nUs IVlONARQl'IA TNP I AN A -K'/ /. ^ 

( S; ) 

there was a PafTage or a Communication by Water through thofe Coun- 
tries which Coronada was to difcover and fubdue, with the South Sea. As 
to Coronado, the Francifcans had been before in thofe Parts, , and they 
gave Information and Diredlion as to his Part of the Expedition -, but as ■ 
to the Part that Alarcon had, on what Information he was ordered to go ■ 
to Latitude ^,'3,.^ and what Probability there was that it was poffiblefor 
him to find fuch PafTage, and join the Land Forces, does not appear. 
But from his not finding fuch PafTage, not joining the Land Forces, and 
proceeding no further than the Lat. i,€^ though his Reafon for not goincr 
further is, that the Land then- trended to the Northward, which 
he fuppofed would put him further off from the Army, whom he ■ 
knew were in ten Days March of him, and the Excufe of Sicknefs and- 
ill Condition of his VefTels, occafioned him to return before his 
Time; yet his Condudt threw the whole Difg^ace of the ill Succefs of 
that Expedition oxi Alarcon., both with the Emperor and the Viceroy : 
And what he wrote to the Emperor was not attended to. He wrote to ' 
the Emperor, ' That it was for him only, and not in Subordination to 
•the Viceroy, that he had conquered, difcovered, and entered on the 
' Californias, and all thofe Lands on the Coafts of fhe South Sea ; that 
• he had learnt that fome of thofe Lands were not far from the Coafts 
' ox GraJtd China ; that there was but a fmall Navigation to the 6^/Vi? ■ 
' Iflands, which he knew was wifhed for at that Time; that it engaged 
'all his Thoughts, and was his moil ardent Defire to undertake fuch ■- 
' Navigation.' Torquem. Vol. i. P. 609. 

On Alarconh Return Juan Rodrique de Cahrillo was fitted out, who > 
went as far as Lat. 44. Sicknefs, Want of Provifions, and his Ships - 
not being of fufficient Strength for thofe Northern Seas, obliged him to ' 
return, though he was defigned to go further to Northward. The Ships ■ 
returning from the Philippines, wiiichv/as alfo an Expedition in tlieTime ' 
of Viceroyfhip of Mendoza, fell in with the Land in Lat. 42, and found ■ 
it all to be Terra Firma, from a Cape there, which they named Mendo- 
cino to the Port oi La Navidad. In 1602 Vizcaino went, and then the ■• 
Difcovery was made by Martin de Aguilar ; and "Torquemada tells us, . 
Vol. i. Lib. 5. P. 725. That if there had not been, only fourteen healthy 
Perfons when they were at Cape Blanco., they were relblved to pafs thro' 
the Streight, which they named Anian, and which Streight is faid to be ■ 
there; and P. 719, fpeaking of the Entrance oi Martin Aguilar, it is 
4 . underftood :■ 

( 88 ) 

vmderftood to be a River, by which you may pafs to a great City, which 
the Hollanders difcovered coming througli the Screight, which is the 
Streight of Anian, and which City, he fays, was named Sluivira. 

Thefe Voyages, and we have Accounts of no others, could not have 
furnifhed the Cofmographers the principal Materials for compofing their 
Map, and it muft have been agreeable to thofe Materials, befides the 
Accounts of thefe Voyages fent to Old Spain-, that they fet down the 
utmoft Limits of the Weftern Ccaft to be in the Longitude of 135 
Degrees from the Meridian of Ferro. Therefore it was their Opinion 
at that Time that one Hundred and thirty-five Degrees was near the 
Difference of Longitude of the Entrance of the Streight of Anian in 
the South Sea, accounting the Longitude from the Meridian of Ferro. 
For which Reafon the Spaniards can never be underflood to mean by the 
Streight of Anian the Streight which feparates AJia and America, now 
named Beering's Streight, and by which there is a Communication be- 
tween the Sea of Tartary, or the Frozen Ocsan, and the South Sea. 

It is Ibmething remarkable, and fupports what hath been before faid 
as to Deficiency of the Spanifo Records, what Jelliit Venegas, the Author 
of the Hiftory oi California, fays. Vol. ii. P. 228, ' I was extremely 
' defirous of finding Capt. Sebajlian Vizcaino's Narrative, and the Re- 
' prefentations of the Council to his Majefty Philip the Third, efpecially 
' the Maps, Plans, Charts of his Voyage and Difcoveries, in order to 
' communicate the Whole to the Publick. Accordingly at my Requeft 
<■ Search was made in the Secretary's Office of the Council of the Indies : 
« But in this Intention of being ferviceable to the Pubhck I have been 
' difappointed.' And he again obferves, on the Governor of Cinaloa 
being ordered to pafs over and take a Survey of the Coafts, Wands, 
Bays, Creeks, and the Difpofition of the Ground of California, in the 
Year 1642, Vol. i. P. 188, ' There would have been little Occafion, 
' fays he, for this preparatory Survey, after fo many others which had 
' been continually making for above a Century, had the Reports, Nar- 
' ratives. Charts, Draughts and Maps, which were made, or fhould 
' have been made, by fo many Difcoveries ftill continued in being, 
' But thefe are the Effefts of a Want of a proper Care in preferving Pa- 
*■ pers, a Fault to be regretted by Perfons in Power, to whom they 
' would be of Service in the Conduct of Affairs, and by private Per- 

' fons. 

( 89 ) 

■• fons,' on the Account of their Intereft, or as Entertainments of a com- 

' mendable Curiofity.' — ' But by the Lofs of fome Papers, either thro' 

' a Change in the Government, or Irregularity in the Records, the whole 

* Advantage of an Expedition is loft.' 

From this Declaration by one who being a Jefuit, and of Mexico^ 
compofmg a Work entirely for the publick Service, under the Direflion 
of the Jefuits •, by their Influence could attain the Sight of any Papers 
which were thought interefting as to the Work he was compofmg ; and 
his laft Refleftion is not confined to the Records of Old Spain only ; it 
is apparent what Uncertainty there is of attaining any Evidence from fuch 
Records, as to the Difcoveries made in the firft Century after the Con- 
queft of Mexico, and for a long Time after. The Narrative of Vizcaino'^ 
Voyage, and every Thing thereto relating, as to any remaining Records 
might have become difputable, had not Torquemada collected it, and pub- 
liflied it amongft other Accounts ; yet what "Torquemeda hath preferred 
is but imperfeft, as is apparent from a Journal of that Voyage, preferved 
in a private Hand at Manilla, and a Sight of large ExtraAs from 
which the Author hath been favoured by a Gentleman in London. It is 
owing to what 'forqiiemada and fome others have coUefted of the Ac- 
counts which the Religious were the Authors of, that the Publick have 
the Accounts of thofe Parts -, but fuch Voyages and Accounts as have 
not met with the fame Means of being preferved, the Publick, from 
fuch Negleft, know nothing of them. It is plain from Gomara's Ac- 
count, alfo from Acofta'%, that great Difcoveries had been made in thefe 
Parts, but as to many of fuch Difcoveries, by whom is not known ; 
and Venegas fays. Vol. i. P. 30, the 'Rsvqv Santo Thome was difcovered in 
the Year 1684 ; ' And tho' I do not find, fays he, in the Narratives of 
' of that Expedition (of Admiral Otondo) that Otondo ever went afnore 
' only to vifit the Harbours of the Eaftern Coaft and the Gulph ; yet 
' from the ardent Curiofity of Father Kino, and the great Concern he 

* had in the Affairs of California, I cannot think that he Ihould be 
' miftaken in any Particular relating to the Difcovery : That Father 
' Kino, both in his large Manufcript Map, and likewife in the leiTer Im- 

* preflion, places the River ol Santo Thome as rifing between the 26th 

* and 27th Degrees of N. Latitude, and, after croffing the whole Penin- 

N ' fuhi, 

( 90 ) 

*' fula, difcharging itfelf into the South Sea, in the 26th Deg. and form- 
' ing at its Mouth a large Harbour, which he calls Peurto de Anno Neuvo., 
• being diicovered in the Year 16S5. On both Sides the River are 
' Chriftian Villages, as is evident from their Names; Santiago, Santo 
' Innocentes, &c. yet, in the Accounts of that Time, I do not meet with 
' any Intelligence of this Difcovery ; to which I mufh add, that in the 
'• fubfequcnt Relations no mention is made of any fuch River, Settle- 
' ments or Harbours, though even little Brooks, are taken Notice of.' 
And he obferves many other Difficulties occur about this Coaft. This 
Harbour made by the River Santo 'Thome, is evidently that wjiich de 
Fcnle and others call Chriftabel. Some Settlements had been made there, 
as thefe Names were given, but either deferted from the Barrennefs of 
the Country, or had been only frequented by thofe who went out private . 
Adventurers, in order to trade with the Natives. But as to which Ri- 
ver, Settlements and Harbour, were not the Names preferved by Fa- 
ther Kino, it would not have been known that any Perfons had been in 
thofe interior Parts of California, or that there were fuch Rivers and 
Harbours. Father Kino looked upon it as a Thing fo well known, as. 
he had no Occafion to defend himfelf, by giving the Reafon of his 
inferting thofe Names to proteft himfelf from the Reproach of Pofte- 
rity. And Venegas before tells us, that as to the Difcoveries which, had/ 
been made for a Century paffed, the Papers were loft. 

Between the Year fixteen Hundred and eighty-five, and. tjie Time of - 
Venegas^s Publication, though in the Year fixteen Hundred and eighty- 
five, it was well knov;n that there was fuch a River as St. Thome, this Ri- 
ver is exploded out of the Maps by the Geographers, on Account of the 
Uncertainty -, not duly confidering that there v/as as full a Proof as could; 
be required with refpect to fo unfrequented a Part. The Account being 
iTom a Perlbn v/hofe Bufinefs it was to make Obfervations there, who 
had been lb laborious and accurate as to difcover, what had been fo 
lOnCT defired to be known, •whether California was an Ifiand or not, as 
to which he was believed •, and the Truth hath been confirmed by later 
Obfervations of what he had reported, That it was not an Ifiand. Therefore 
there was no Foundation for any Uncertainty in this Cafe, the fame as 
with refpeft to the Letter of 1^1? Fonte, owing to the Negleft of a pro- 

( 91 ) 

per Enquiry into the Circumftances relating to it, by fuch an Inqiiiry the 
Uncertainty would have been removed. 

What hath been faid is to fhew that the Argument on which fo great 
a Strefs is laid, that there is no Account of this Voyage amongft the 
Spanijh Records, is an Argument of no Weight againft the Authenticity 
of this Account ; and that as a Publication of this Voyage was not per- 
mitted, an Account of fuch Voyage could not be perpetuated by the Re- 
ligious, the only probable Means at that Time of preierving it from Ob- 
livion. As it was intended what was the EfFeft of this Expedition fliould 
be kept a Secret, it is not confiflent there fhould be many written Ac- 
counts of it •, the Officers concerned would be cautious of letting Tran- 
fcripts be made frorn their Journals ; and it may be attributed to an ex- 
traordinary Accident, rather than to what could be expefted, that a 
Copy of the Letter of de Fonte fliould ever come into the Pofleffion of 
the Englijlo. 

Thefe Obfervations being previoufly made, we are better enabled to 
confider, what we have before inferted, the Objedlion oiVenegas for not 
inferting this Account of de Fonte, as being of little Credit ; but he feems 
rather to wiili that we would be of his Opinion, than to imagine that 
he could convince us by any Arguments ; therefore excufes himfclf as 
to the Length of the Difpute he might be engaged in. His Manner of 
expreffing himfelf with refpeft to this Difappointment in the Secretary's 
Office, fhews he hath a Manner of Addrefs that his Words will admit of 
a further conftructive Meaning than what is let down. The principal Ob- 
jeft of his Writing is to incite the Court oi Spain to prepare in Time 
againft the ill Confequences of the Englifi m.aking a Difcovery of a Paf- 
fage ; and he is to be underftood, that it is not only his Opinion that 
the finding of fuch a Pafiage is pradicable, but he apprehends it is of 
the Opinion of the Court alfo. Declares, that fuch Opinion hath pre- 
vailed from the firil fettling oi Mexico, and that there really is a Paflage 
in fuch a Manner as a Perfon who publifned an Account of this Sort 
would be permitted to exprefs himfelf, to have it pafs the 7\.pprobation 
of the Licenfer ; and does not defire to fupprefs the Account of de Fonte, 
as it is an abfolute Contradiftion to what he would infer, there being a 

N 2 Paffiige, 

( 92 ) 

Pafiage, and in fuch Letter it is declared there is no North-Avefl: Pafli'.g^;. 
For he muft have had further and better Authorities for his Afiertions 
of there being a Pafiage than fuch, as that fingle Aflertion would pre- 
vail againft. But defired to fupprefs this Account, as it was an Account 
Vifhich he knew it was more confident with the E>efigns of the Court, it 
fhould be continued in Oblivion than revived. Mentions, it therefore as 
the Contents of a Paper publiflicd in London, which contained a Narrative 
of little Credit •, and to give the better Authority to what he fays, as he 
could not truft to the Opinion that might-be had of fuch Account on 
a fair Reprefentation of the Title •, to fupport the Charafter he gave of 
it, therefore ufes Art, mifreprefenting fuch Title -, fays it was by Order &f 
the Viceroy of Peru, in the Tear 1 640, and giving an Account of the moft 
material TranfaElions and Adventures in this Voyage. Was the Letter fo . 
cntituled, the TranfaElions and Adventures of a Commander in Chief of 
the Navy, in New Spain, he would not be fingular in his Opinion, but 
it would be underftood by every one as a Romance, and not deferving- 
of Credit. 

This Mifreprefentation is intentionally done-, for if he never faw 
the Letter, or had not a right Account of it, on what Authority could 
he afiert it was of little Credit ; and that it would engage him in a 
long Difpute , a Difpute which his Sagacity would point out to him 
how to determine in a very few Lines, by proving that there was no 
fuch Perfon as de Fonte, Admiral of New Spain ; which it was in his 
Power to do had it been the Cafe. But what he mentions is fo far from 
a Denial of there being fuch a Perfon Admiral of New Spain, that he 
gives us the Name, and fets forth the Charafter de Fonte was in, in a 
more proper Manner than we have it exprefled in the Title of the Let- 
ter. Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in New 
Spain and Peru, and Prefident of Chili ; and he is to be underftood not 
to mean that there was no fuch Perfon, but that the Narrative is not 
credible as to any fuch Voyage having been made by Admiral de Fonte. 

By a Schedule of the King of Spain in 1606 to the Governor of the 
Phuippines, Vizcaino was to be again fitted out to difcover a Harbour 
on the Weftern Coaft of California, for the Reception of the Aqtiapulco 

Ship ; 

( 93 ) 

•^ip \ but the Death oiVizcaino prevented that Defign being carried into 
Executioa; as the Court had found fo many Difappointments, and fuch 
in Succefs in thefe Undertakings, they did not think proper to entruft it 
to any other Perfon in the Philippines or New Spain. And Venegas fays, 
Hift of Cal. Vol. i. P. i8o. ' During the fucceeding nine Years incon- 
' fiderable Voyages only were made to California., and thefe rather to fifh 
" for Pearls, or procure them by Barter, than to make any Settlement, 
' and therefore they have been thought below any feparate Account, 
' efpecially as in the fubfequent Royal Commiffions they are only men- 
' tioned in general without any Circumftances.' Though Commiffions 
were givea to go into thefe. Parts, without any Account remaining to 
whom, and on what particular Occafion ; it is not to be doubted as in all 
Commifllons of this Nature they would be under an Obligation to make - 
a Report to the Court, and it is not to beunderftood that thefe Com- 
miffions were continued for nine Years only-, and therefore what hath 
been faid as to Parmentiers and the Jefuits, their having been in 
thefe Parts, is not the leaft improbable. By theie Commiffions they 
were not .confined to the Gulph of California, is evident from Father 
Kino, as already mentioned, giving Names in his Map to Villages, or 
occafional Settlements rather, on the River Santo 1'home : And he fays, 
P. 299, what made Father Kino defirous of difcovering whether California 
was an Ifland or not, ' That all die Moderns had placed it as an Ifland 
' there being extant alfo fome Journals of Mariners, according to which 
' they went round California through a Streight, and gave the Parts and 
' Places through which they pafTed their own Names.' It appears from 
this Account they were permitted, by thefe Commiffions, to rove about, 
though not to make Settlements, induced by their private Advantao-e, 
and the Advantage to the Government was from their Difcoveries. Alfo 
Vol. i. P. 182, he mentions, ' That a great many private Perfons, from 
' the Coaft of Ctiliacan and Chametla, made Trips in fmail Boats to the 
' Coaft of California, either to fifli for Pearls, or purchafe them of the 
* Indians ■,' which is agreeable to de Fonte's Account of the Mafter and 
Mariners he procured at Zalagua and Compoflilo. We may alfo obferve 
v/hat the Miffionaries fay, as to the Tides at the Head of the Bay, which 
ftjll adds to the Authenticity of this Account. ' In thofe Parts the Tide 
5 ' fliifts 

( 94 ) 

* fhifts ewry fix Hours ; the Flood, with a frightful Impetuofity, nfes 
' from three to feven Fathoms, overflowing the flat Country for fome 
' Leagues, and the Ebb necefl^arily returns with the fame dangerous 
' Violence. — However the Pilot went on Shore in the Pinnace, at feve- 
' ral Pares, in order to make a complete Drawing of it for his Chart; 
' vvas equally convinced that this Cape was the Extremity of the Gulph 
'. of California, and that the Waters beyond it were thole of the River 
• ' Colorado.' Therefore it was, from the exaft Obfervation of the Tide 
which this Pilot took fo much Pains to make, an unfettled Point from 
whence the Tide proceeded. Which, at the Time of de Fonte'% Expedi- 
tion, was faid to come from the Northward, agreeable to the then pre- 
vailing Opinion of California being an Ifland. According to the ufual 
Practice, though the true Caufe of a Pha^nomena is unknown, to quote 
that Pha;nomena that favours a Syftem v.'hich there is a Defire to efla- 
blifh as a Truth, not only in fupport of but to confirm fuch Syftem, 
as to render the Truth of it unqueftionable. 

After F/zci^zKc's Death, and though theCourtof 5/)flz« was difappointed 
as to finding able and fufficient Perfons in New Spain whom they could 
intruft, yet Adventures were made by private Perfons, at their own Ex- 
pence, both for Difcovery and Settlements ; yet thcfe could not be un- 
dertaken without the Permiffion of his Majefcy, who had taken it into 
his own Fland to grant fuch Commiffions, and moftly required a Voyage 
to Old Spain to attain them ; and the next Expedition that was made, at 
the Crown's Expence, was conducted by an Admiral from Old Spain, 
who arrived in New Spain in 164.^, Admiral CaJJanaie, with full Power 
and Neceflaries to equip a Fleet, and make Settlements in California ; 
and he failed on fuch Expedition in 1644. By which it is apparent 
that there v/ere Ships at that Time in Nczv Spain proper for fuch Ex- 
peditions. As he came into thefe Parts within three Years after de 
,Fonte'% Expedition, and took the Command as Admiral oi New Spain 
when he arrived, it is to be fuppofed the Expedition Caffanate was fent 
on was too fatiguing for de Fonte, who was therefore retired to his Go- 
vernment of Chili. In the Year 1649 Admiral Caffanate, in Reward for 
his Services, being after the fame Manner promoted to the Government 
6 . of 

( 95 ) 

of Chili, de Fonte muft be dead at that Time, This Circumftance fixes 
the Period in which the Copy of this Letter was taken. 

As what Venegas fays as to the Account (which Account hath been 
before mentioned) given by Seyxas y Lover a, as to its wanting the necef- 
fary Authenticity. Befides the ufual Licences, wherein the Licencers 
declare there is nothing contrary to good Manners, and befides beinn- 
dedicated to the King in his Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies, 
Seyxas's, Book hath the Licence and Approbation of the ProfefTor of Di- 
vinity in the Univerfity of Alcara, Preacher to the King, and Principal 
of a College of Jefuits in Madrid. Hath alio the Approbation and Li-. 
cence of the Profeflbr of Erudition and Mathematicks in the Imperial 
College of the Company of the Jefuits at Madrid. What unfavourable 
Opinion foever we may entertain of the Principles of thefc Perfons, v/e 
muft have fuch an Opinion of their Prudence, that they would not fio-n 
their Approbation to a Book while it contained an unnecefiary Lie, 
which could be eafily expunged, or until they were fatisfied as to the 
Authenticity of this Account which Seyxas gives ofPecbe's Voyage, hav- 
ing been publiflied in various Places. And it is indifputable from the 
Countenance his Book received, he was looked on at that Time as a de- > 
ferving honeft Man. 

Venegas defignedly omits other Accounts difperfed in various Books 
for Want of neceflary Authenticity ; but it is not to be underftood that 
he abfolutely denies that fuch Accounts are true. Neither is tliere fo 
great an Improbability in fuch Difcoveries having been made, as fome 
of thefe Accounts mention, as is imagined, when fuch Accounts are duly 

We have already mentioned one Account which engaged the Atten- 
tion of the King oi Spain, therefore muft have been of fome Authority. 
There is another Account (unlefs it be the fame Account differently re- 
prefented) of a Ship that, to the Northward of Cape Blanco, on the 
Coaft of California, palled through the Streight into the North Sea, and 
to Old Spain, which was alfo made known to the King of Spaiv, men- 
tioned by Torqiiemada, Vol. i. P. 725. 

Moft ■ 

( 96 ) 

Moft of the Difcoveries are reported to have been made by Ships 
coming from the Moluccas, or from the Philippine Iflands to the Eaft- 
ward, and which have met with bad "Weather. And what, in thofe Times, 
Ships were neceflitated to do, if there was a Continuance of hard Gales 
of Wind, we may learn from the Schedule oi Philip the Third, Hiftory 
oi California, Vol. i. P. 175, after mentioning a Harbour found by Viz- 
caino, on the Weftern Coaft of California, adds, ' And lies very conve- 
' nient for Ships returning from the Philippine Iflands to put into, and 
' thus, in cafe of Storms, avoid the Neceflicy of making for Japan, as 
' they have feveral Times done, and expended great Sums of Money. 
' Befides, they ufually have Sight of the Coaft of China, which is an 
' additional Benefit, as knowing where they are, they v/ill not as for- 
' merly, in cafe of bad Weather, make for Japan, or thofe Iflands, as 
' the fame Winds which would carry them thither, bring them into this 

* Harbour. Again, P. 177, confidering how much it concerns the Se- 
' curity of Ships coming from thofe Iflands, in a Voyage of no lefs than 

* 2000 Leagues, on a wide and 4:empefl:uous Sea, that they fliould be 
' provided with a Port where they might put in and furnilh themfelves 
' with Water, Wood, and Provifions : That the faid Port of Monterey 
'■ lies in 3 7 Degrees, nearly about half Way the Voyage.' 

A Ship flying before the Wind, and the People fteering her towards 
the Co2ii\i of America, to avoid Japan and the Iflands, making a Cape 
Land on the Coaft of California, would run for what they fuppofed a 
Harbour, and the bad Weather continuing might proceed up the Bay 
or Opening they were then in, to meet with the Inhabitants, in order 
to obtain Refrefliments, and to learn where they were, by which Means 
find a Pafllige. As Ships were diftreflTed in hard Gales of Wind, in the 
Manner the Schedule mentions, there is no Improbability of a Pafl"age 
being firft accidentally difcovered by a fingle Ship coming from Sea 
with a leading Wind into a large Opening, in Expeftation of a Har- 
bour, though fuch Difcovery hath not been made by Ships intentionally 
fent along Shore for that Purpofe. 

It is to be obferved, the People of the Philippine Iflands are thofe who 
moft talked of a Paflage : They informed Peche and otiiers ; and it is 
cafily accounted for why they fliould do fo : For if the Portugueze made 


( 97 ) 

the Difcovery in a Ship from tlie Moluccas^ there was a conftant Inter- 
courfe between them and the People of the Philippines -, and whether 
the Difcovery was made by the Spaniards or Portugueze, fome of the 
Company who were aboard fuch Ship as had pafTed through the Streio-ht 
from the South to the North Sea, would return to the Moluccas or the 
Philippines; and others would meet their Acquaintance from thence in 
Portugal or Old Spain; who would take Pleafure in relating to them the 
Accounts of their Voyage, and which they who heard thofe Accounts 
would be equally fond of communicating to others, efpecially when 
they returned back to the Indies. By which Means it would be known 
that there had been fuch a Difcovery ; and it would be out of the 
Power of the King of Spain or Portugal to prevent its being fo far known, 
but could prevent the Account of fuch Difcovery being publilhed, or 
the Particulars communicated to Foreigners. 

In the Year 1568 Salvatierra, a Gentleman of Spain, who had acci- 
dentally landed in Ireland from the Weft Indies, gave an Account of a 
Paflage having been made by one Andrew Urdanietta, and by the Cir- 
cumftances of that Account it was about the Year 1556 or 1557. This 
Urdanietta was a Friar, was with and greatly aflifted Andrew Miguel Lo- 
pez de Legafpi in the Expedition to the Philippine Iflands in the Year 
1564, and was called the celebrated Religious Andrew de Urdanietta. 
His being thus employed, and fo ferviceable in this Expedition to the 
Philippine Iflands, as he is faid to have been, implies, that he had a 
prior Knowledge of thofe Parts, and muft have been there before -, and 
the Charader that Salvatierra gave of him to Sir Hugh Sydney, then Lord 
Deputy of Ireland, and ^w Humphrey Gilbert, was, that he was the o-reatelt 
Difcoverer by Sea that was in that Age. 

Salvatierra faid that a North-weft Pajfage was conftantly believed to be 
in America navigable ; and that Urdanietta had Ihewed him at Mexico^ 
eight Years before Salvatierra arrived in Irelaiid, a Chart made from his 
own Obfervations in a Voyage in which he came from Mare del Zur into 
Germany, through this North-weft Paflage, wherein fuch Pafl^age was ex- 
preflTed, agreeing with Ortclius's Map : That Urdanietta had told the 
King of Portugal of it as he came there from Germany in his return 

O home > 

( 98 ) 

home ; but the King earneftly intreated liim not to cliicover this Secret to 
any Nation : For that (iaid he; if England had once a Knowledge and 
Experience of it, it zvoukl greatly hinder the King of Spain and me. And 
Sahalierra was himfelf perfuaded of a Pafllige by the Friar Urdanietta^ 
and by the common Opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America. 

Tt was this Account with fome other that gained the Attention of the 
oreateft Men of that Age to purfue the Difcovery of a North-weft Paf- 
fage. Neither would Dudley, Walfingham, or Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and 
other honourable Perfons about the Court, be deceived with fidtitious 
Stories, and purfue a Phantom. Could the great Abilities and Pene- 
tration of a Walfmgham be defective in this Refpeft, which was fo per- 
feft in all other Refpefts, as to be the Admiration of the prefent Age. 
Thofe who condemn this Account, and fome other Accounts of this. 
Sort, have not confidered, that upon a flight Surmife or Sufpicion only 
they put their Judgments in Competition with and in Contradiftion to 
the Judgments of thofe great Men, who embraced no Opinion as to 
any Matter bvtt what was founded in Reafon, and all the Circumftances 
relatino- to which they had firft fully confidered, and which Opinion 
they adhered to. As to a North-weft Paflage, making a Diftindtion be- 
tween the Difappointments as to the eftofling the Difcovery of a Paffage, 
and the Probability there was of their being fuch Paflage. The King of 
Spain was equally fuccefslefs as to the Execution, and at the fame Time 
as much affured of the Praaicability of making it ; for whicfi Reafon 
Secretary Walfmgham was concerned at his Death, as the Attention of 
the Publick was drawn to a North-eafi Paffage, by which nothing more 
was propofed than a Trade to Cathay or China, and that a Nortli-weft 
Paffao-e was neglefted on the Part of the Englifh. 

It was an Opinion received in England in the Year 1560, or earlier, 
that there was fuch a Paffage ; and before the Philippines were fettled 
by the Spaniards. Soon after the Difcovery of Urdanietta, Frobifher, who 
fet out in 1576, is laid to have projefted his Defign, and made an Ap- 
plication for fifteen Years before. Did not fucceed in the City probably,, 
as they might not fee any certain Advantage ; but when he applied to 
the Court he fucceeded. On what Plan he went is alfo evident, to find 
aa Entrance to Northward of the Labrador -, for when he fell, in with. 
i the 

( 99 ) 

the South-weft Part of Greenland, it was fuppofed by him to be the La- 
brador Coaft. 

There is another Account on the Oath of Thomas Coivks of Bedmrfler, 
taken the 9th oi April isi9-> ^'^ ^ Time when Oaths were confidered by 
sll People as folemn and facred Obhgations to declare tlie Trurli. He 
fays that fix Years before, he heard a Portuguese read a Book which he 
fet out fix Years before in print in the Portugal Tongue, declaring tiiat 
he, Martin Chatke^ had found, now twelve Years paft, a Way from the 
Portugal Indies through the Gulph of Newfoundland, which he thouoht 
to be in Latitude 59° of tlie North Pole, by IVIeans that he being in tl;e 
faid Indies with four Ships of great Burthen, and he himfelf being in a 
fmall Ship of eighty Ton, far driven from the Company of the other 
four Ships with a Weft Wind ; after that he had paffed along by a great 
Number of Iflands, which were in the Gulpli of the faid Newfoundland, 
and after that he overftiot the Gulph, he fet no more Sight on any other 
Land, until he fell in with the North-weft Part of Ireland; and from 
thence he took his Courfe homeward, and by that Means came 'to Lif~ 
bon four or five Weeks before the other Ships. But the Books were af- 
terwards called in by the King's Order. 

This Paffage was made about ten Years after that of Urdanietta ; and 
it is probable Chacke was encouraged to proceed through fuch Paflao-e, 
from the Report or an Account which he had heard of fuch Paflao-e 
having been before made. It is evident he met with fome Difficulties 
in fuch Paffage which delayed him, as the Ships were at Lifhon fo foon 
after him, and as he expreffes that he was far driven from the other 
four Ships he left them in a low Latitude, and being got to the North- 
ward, without any Expeftation of rejoining them, proceeded intention- 
ally to make his Voyage by the Paffage ; which he would not have done 
to the Hazard of lofing his Veffel and Cargo, for he was not on Dif- 
covery, but returning to Lifbon in Company with other loaden Veffels, 
from wliom he was feparated, unlefs he had been affured that what he 
undertook was prafticable, and a Paffage had been made by fome Veffel 
before that Time. This Account was received as a Truth by the prin- 
cipal People of the Kingdom, who certainly made a due Enquiry as to 
tlie Charafter of the Perlbn who made tlie Affidavit with refpeft to his 

O 2 Capacity •, 

( 100 ) 

Capacity-, there would be a proper Precaution alfo, at the Time of ad- 
miniftering luch Affidavit, that it was exad and only what he knew posi- 
tively as to this Matter, tho' there might be other Circumftances which he 
was not fo pofitive in. And as this Account was at that Time believed, 
it muft have been on better Reafons than can be at prefent urged by any 
one to call the Veracity of this Account in Queftion. 

'Jmn de Ftica (the Account is from Purchafe and North-weft Fox) was 
an ancient Pilot, who had been in the Weft India of Spain for near forty 
Years, and had failed as Mariner and Pilot to many Places thereof in 
Service of the Spaniards. 

He was Pilot of three fmall Ships which the Viceroy of Mexico fent 
from thence, armed with a hundred Soldiers, under a Spaniard Captain, 
to difcover the Streights oi Anian along the Coaft of the South Sea, and 
to fortify in that Streight, to refill the Paflage of the EngUftj Nation, 
but by Reafon of a Mutiny which happened amongft the Soldiers, for 
fome ill Pradtices of the Captain, the Voyage was overfet, and they re- 
turned to New Spain. 

The Viceroy fent de Fuca out again in 1592, with a fmall Caravel 
and Pinnace, armed with Mariners only, for the Difcovery of the faid 
Streights. Finding the Land to trend North and North-eaft, with a 
broad Inlet between 47 and 48, he entered it, and failing therein more 
than twenty Days, found the Land trending ftill, fometimes North-welt, 
fometimes North-eaft, and alfo South-eaftward, far broader Sea than at 
the faid Entrance ; and pafled by diverfe Iflands in that Entrance. 

He went upon Land in feveral Places, and faw fome People on Land, 
clad in Beafts Skins -, and that the Land was very fruitful, and rich of 
Gold and Silver, and Pearls, and other Things like Nova Hifpania. 

Being entered thus far in the faid Streight, and come into the North 
Sea already, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be 
about thirty or forty Leagues wide in the Screight where he entered ; 
he thought he had well difchatged his Office, and done the Thing he was 
fent to do-, and that he not being armed to refift the Force of the 


( 101 ) 

favage People, that might happen to affault him, therefore fet fail and 
returned to Nova Hifpania, where he arrived at Aquapulco^ Anno 1592, 
hoping to be well rewarded by the Vrceroy for his Voyage fo performed. 

The Viceroy received him kindly, and gave him Promifes ; but after 
an Expeftation of two Years the Viceroy wifhed him to go to Sfain{ where 
the King would reward him ; and he accordingly went. 

He was well received at Court ; but after long Suit could get no Re- 
ward to his Content, fo ftole away and came to Italy^ to live amongft 
his Kindred in his own Country, being very old, a Greek by Birth, born 
in the Ifland of Sepholonica, and his proper Name JpoJioUos Valerianos. 

De Fuca went firft to Leghorn, then to Florence, where he met one 
John Dowlafs, an Englijhman, a famous Mariner, ready coming for Ve- 
nice, to be a Pilot for a Venetian Ship to England ; they went in Com- 
pany to Venice. Dowlafs being acquainted with Mr. Lock, at leaft a con- 
fiderable Merchant if not a Conful there ; gave him an Account of this 
de Fuca, and introduced him to Mr. Lock, who gave Mr. Lock the pre- 
ceding Account •, and made a Propofal, if Qiieen Elizabeth would make 
up the Lofs which he had fuftained aboard the Aquapulco Ship taken by 
Captain Cavendijh, which was to the Value of fixty Thoufand Ducats, he 
would go to England, and ferve her Majefty to difcover the North-wefi 
Peijfage into the South Sea, and engage his Life for the Performance, 
with a Ship of forty Tons and a Pinnace. They had two feveral Meet- 
ings on this Occafion ; and Lock, at de Fuca\ Requeft, wrote to the old 
Lord Treafurer Cecil, SivlValter Rawleigh,_ and Mr. Richard Hackluit, the 
Cofmographer, defiring a Hundred Pounds for to pay his PafTage to 
England. His Friends wrote Lock Word, the Action was very well liked, 
if the Money could be procured. As no great Expectations were to be 
had from this Anfwer, de Fuca left Venice in a Fortnight after, purfued 
his Defign of going to Greece, and there djed, 

There is nothing in this Relation but what is very natural and fimple. 
De Fuca's Demand was exceffive, for which Reafon, probably, as a Man 
who over-rated his Services, he was not rewarded by the Viceroy or the 
King ; yet t\\c Viceroy availed himfelf of him, by fending him to Court 
to give an Account of his Voyage, which he might be ordered to do. 

( 102 ) 

as another Expedition was delired, and a Reprefentation , for that Pur- 
pofe made by the Viceroy Luis Felafco, as is nientiened in- the Schedule 
of the King, hll^ory of Califomu?, P. 173. 

It did not appear that he could certainly perform- what he undertook, 
concluding he was in the North Sea, from fuch Sea returned back to 
Ne-zv Spain, therefore had not acquired a Knowledge of the Entrance 
into the Streights from the Eaftward ; which was the Difficulty that ob- 
ftrufted this Diicovery on the Part of the Englljh, and had been fo much 
fought after, but unfuccefsfully. His Age was alfo a very material Ob- 
jection, that he would fcarce be able to bear the Fatigue of fuch a Voy- 
age, his Defire to undertake which immediately proceeded from his 
Avarice : Nor was it confident that the Hundred Pounds fliould be 
fent over to bring him to England, if the other Part of the Terms could 
not be complied with ; which feems to be the Meaning of the Expref- 
fion, the Adion is well liked of if the Money could be procured. And 
de Fiica, whofe Motive for propofing this Undertaking, was to be fatit 
fied for his Lofs by Captain Cavendiflo, would not have altered his De- 
fio-n of going into his own Country, and proceeded to England, unlefs 
he was affured of his being fo gratified on a Performance of what he 

Dowlafs, who was a good Mariner, as he travelled with him, and 
kept his Company, would have had particular and frequent Converfa- 
tion with de Fuca, and who, as a Mariner, was more capable of finding 
out if his Account was true, and was thoroughly fatisfied it was fo, as 
he fpoke to Mr. Lock about him. Neither Lock nor Dowlafs could have 
any finifter Views, but only animated by a publick Spirit to do their 
Country fo acceptable a Service, which it was thought to be in Eng- 
land, as it is faid the Aftion is well liked of 

As to de Fuca being taken Prifoner by Captain Cavendiflj, and how 
did he efcape out of the Hands of the Englijh ? When the Ship was 
taken all the People were put afhore on the Coaft of California, the 
Goods were taken out, and then the Ship was fet a Fire, which burnt to 
the Water Mark, the Wreck floated afhore, they erefted Jury-mafts in 
her, and fortunately got to Aquapulco. 


( 103 ) 

De Fuca fays, the Caufe he thought of the ill Reward he had of the 
Spaniards was, that they underftood very well the EngUjh Nation had 
now .given over all their Voyages for the Difcovery of a North-weji 
PaJ^age, wherefore they feared not them to come any more that W«y 
into the South Sea ; and therefore they needed not his Service therein any 
more : Which is fo far agreeable to the Accounts of thofe Times, that, 
after the Death of Sir Fra-dcis Waljingham, the Difcovery of a North- weft 
PaiTage had no Patron at Court ; and Sir Francis had particularly in- 
terefted himfelf in procuring Davis to go on his laft Expedition. The 
Difcovery was not re-affumed until the Year 1602, by xhcMufcovy Com- 
pany, who had never engaged as a Company in this Difcovery ; but 
having made fome fuccefslefs Attempts, as to the North-eaft PafTao-e, 
fitted out Capt. George Weymouth for the Diicovery of a North-weft Paf- 
fage, which it is obfervable was the lame Year with Vizcaino'^ Expe- 
dition. And it is obfervable the next Expedition for the Difcovery of 
a North-weft PaiTage, was not until the Year 1606, when Mr. John 
Knight was fitted out ; and the fame Year the King of Spain orders Viz- 
caino on a third Expedition, but Vizcaino died, though in the interim 
Vizcaino had been to Old Spain, to make Application to make a frefh 
Attempt, at his own Expence, and he could not obtain Permiffion of 
his Majefty. As the Expeditions which the Court of Spain order pe- 
remptorily to be undertaken, correfpond as to the Time with thofe from 
England, fhews a Jealoufy on the Part of the King of Spain that the 
Englip might fucceed as to a Pafiage through the Streights. And 
though it is mentioned as the principal Defign in the Expeditions by 
Order of the King of Spain, is the Difcovery of a Harbour for the Jqtia- 
pulco Ship, the Publick underftood there was yet a farther Defio-n, and , 
as much may be collefted from the King of Spain' !i Schedule in 1606. 
Count de Monterey, ' by purfuing the Difcovery intended by Dcm Luis de 
' Velafco, wrote to me concerning, and was of Opinion that finall Vef- 
' fels from the Harbour of Aqtiapulco were the fitteft -, and tliat in the 
' Difcovery might be included the Coafts and Bays of the Gulph of Ca- 

* lifornia, and of the Fiftiery, to which, in my Letter of the 27th of 

* September 1599, I ordered to be anfwered, that the Difcovery, and 
' making Draughts, with Obfervations of that Coaft, and the Bays alono- 

* it, having appeared to me highly cmvenient, it was my Will he fhould 

' immedLitely 

( IM- ) 

' immediately put it in Execution, without troubling himfelf about Cd- 
' lifornia, unlefs occafionally — And Sebaftian Vizcaitw carefully informed 
' himfelf of thefe Indians, and many others, whom he difcovered alono- 
' the Coaft for above eight Hundred Leagues ; and they all told him,. 
' that up the Country there were large Towns, Silver, and Gold ; 
' whence he is inclined to believe that great Riches may be difcovered, 
' efpecially as, in fome Parts of the Land, Veins of Metal are to be feen -, 
' and that the Time of their Summer being known, a farther Difcovery 
' might be made of them by going within the Country, and that the 

* Remainder of it may be difcovered along the Coaft, as it reaches be- 
' yond 42 Degrees, the Limits fpecified to the faid Sebaftian Vizcaino in 
' his Inftru6lions.' Though thefe Orders were received in M^atzVo in 1699, 
no Voyage was fet out on until 1602, the Time that Weymouth failed, 
then probably enforced by additional Orders from the Court of Spain. 
The Expedition which was overturned by the Mutiny of the Soldiers, 
feems to have been about the Time of Captain Davis's Expedition ; for 
de Fuca fays, after the Voyage was fo ill ended, the Viceroy fet him out 
again in 1592, which implies a Diftance of Time between the firft and 
fccond Voyage. 

The Inftruftions Vizcaino had in the firft Voyage were given by the 
Viceroy, for it was the Viceroy who appointed him, and were formed 
according to the Opinion that the Land beyond forty-two Degrees took 
a Courfe to Weftward and Southward of Weft. And the Maps were 
conftrufted agreeable thereto, therefore the King fays, ' Vizcaino had 

* reprefented to him that the Coaft, as far as 40 Degrees, lies North- 
' weft and South-eaft, and that in the two other Degrees, which makes 
' up the 42 Degrees, it lies North and South,' and, as before mentioned, 
fays, ' and that the Remainder of it may be difcovered along the Coafts, 

* as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits fpecified to the faid Se- 
' baft:ian Vizcaino in his Inftruftions.' Therefore when Martin Aguilar 
got to 43 Degrees and found an Opening, he concluded, as the Coaft 
was reprefented to be terminated to the Northward, by the Maps and 
Charts in Ufe, that this muft be the defired Streights ; and therefore faid 
ovi their Return, ' they fliould have performed a great deal more, had 

* their Health not failed them ; for it is certain that only fourteen Per- 
' fons enjoyed it at Cape~Blanco. The General and thofe that were with 

* him 

( ic5 ) 

' him had a mind to go tlirough tlie Streight, which they call o{ J>i:a;r, 
' and is laid to be thereabouts. It had been entered by the tbreion 
' Ship, who gave Intelligence of it to the King, delcribing its Situa- 
' tion, and how through that PafTage one might reach the North Sea, 
' and then fail back to Spain, along Neiz-fotindlarJ and the Iflands of 
' Baccalaos, to bring an Account of the Whole to his Majefty.' 'Tcrque- 
mada. Vol. i. F, 725. But it is very plain the King had another Infor- 
mation of this Matter, and as to the Extent of the Land to Northward. 
Luis de Velafco was the Viceroy in whole Time the Expedition of de Fuca 
was ; and the Expedition of Vizcaino was under the Direftion of the 
Count de Monterey, who was either not informed of v/hat had been done 
by de Fuca, or might not think de Fuca's Account of fufficient Auchority 
to juftify him, the Viceroy, in drawing his Inflrudions agreeable thereto ; 
contrary to the general Opinion of the Cofmographers at that Time, 
and the Defcription tliey gave of the Coafts in their Maps. 

It muft appear from what hath been faid that there are no fuch great 
Improbabilities in the Accounts of Salvatierrc, Chacke, or de Fuca, as 
hath been reprefented. It is alio evident that the Englijlj had great Ex- 
pedlations of fucceeding ; and the Court of Spain had great Apprehen- 
fions we fhould meet with Succefs, and be enabled to attain a Paffage by 
the Streight of Anian into the South Sea ; for wJiich there muft have been 
fome realbnable Foundation both on the Part of the one and the other. 
The Englip were firft induced to attempt the Difcovery of fuch a Paf- 
fage, from the Accounts which they had from Spain of there being fuch 
a Paflage. The Court of Spain entertained, as hath been fhewn, an 
Opinion of there being fuch a Pafiage from the Time they conquered 
Mexico ; and, agreeable to what I'orqiiemada fays, had a certain Account 
of it, or at leaft an Account which appeared to the King to be auchen- 
tick, What that Account really contained we do not know, nor v/ar, it 
confiftent that it fhould be made publick ; therefore what is faid as to 
the Particulars of it are but Conjedture, and Pt.eprefenrations upon Re- 
ports, for which the Reporters could have no real Authority. As Viz- 
caino regretted being prevented, by the Sicknefs of his People that he 
could not go round the World, and have carried home to Old Spain his 
Account of his Expedition. This firm Perfuafion that he fhould have 
gccomplillied his Palfage to Old Spain, by the Streight of Anian, muft 

P have 

( io6 ) 

have been from fome Information which he had received before he fee 
out, that fuch Paflage v/as pra£ticable : Neither is it mentioned as if he 
propofcd making a Difcovery of it, but as of a Thing before done. It 
was the Opinion of all thofs v/iio were with him, that it was pradlicable i 
which is agreeable to v/hat Sclvatie-rra informed Sir U::gh Sydney, and 
' Sir Humphrey Gilbert, That a Ncrlh--jocft from us to Cathay ivas 
confiantly believed in America navigable. Vizcaino, who is reprefented as 
a Commander of great Conduct and Difcretion (and which tne Account 
of his Voyage expreffes him to have been) would not have attempted 
to make a Paffage thro' fuch Streights, to the Hazard, perlups entire 
Lofs, of the King's Ships, and v/hat he had before done rendered of no 
EfFedl, unlefs he had a difcretionary Power either to pafs to Old Spain 
by thefe Streights, or return to /Jquapuko. 

After the Expedition of Knight failed, and Vizcaino died, we hear of 
no other Expeditions at the Expence of or by the pofitive Order of the 
Court of Spain until that of Admiral Cajfanate, who went the third Year 
after the Expedition of de Fonte, to make a Survey of the Coaft of Ca- 
lifornia ; yet we have no Reafon to conclude there were no other Expe • 
ditions, but it is rather to be fuppofed that, after the Englifh had pro- 
ceeded in their Dilcoveries as far as Hudfon's Bay, the Court of Spain 
thought it neceffary, and found an effedlual Way of keeping their Ex- 
peditions, both in refpeft to their Equipment and what was done on 
fuch Expeditions a Secret, by fending Officers from Old Spain to con- 
duct them, and as to which the Religious would not think themfelves 
at Liberty to make any Publication without the Permiffion of the 

Having no Intercourfe by Trade with thofe Parts, we cannot be ac- 
q\iainted with what is tranfacted in thofe Parts, any further than what 
the SpanifJj Writers are permitted to inform us, and the imperfeft and 
uncertain Intelligence of thofe who have been cruizing in thofe Seas. 
The SpanifJj K^ation have been particularly cautious of keeping the Know- 
ledge of their Coaft fecret : Neither was it known, in the Year 1746, that 
an exaft Survey was made of thofe Coafts until Pafco "Thomas annexed 
to his Account of Lord Anfon\ Expedition, publifhed in 174^, a Codv 
of a Manufcript, which Manufcript contained an Account of the Lati- 

( 107 ) 

tudes and Longitudes of all the moil noted Places in tlie South Sea, 
correfted from the lateft Obfervations hy Manuel Moiiz Prieto, Profeiror 
of Arts in Peru, and are compofed v/ith as much Prccifion and Exaft- 
nefs, as Tables of that Sort are ufually made -, but when thefe Coafts 
were furveyed to the Northward, to attain a Knowledge of which was 
formerly attended with fuch immenie Difficulty •, and to. what Purpofe 
and what Trade is carried on there, we are at prefent entire Strangers 
to. It is by Accident only that we have this Account •, and if the Spa- 
nip Nation have ufed this Precaution, with reiped to the Knowledge of 
their Coafts, undoubtedly they would ufe the fame Caution with refpect 
to giving us any Infight as to how we might find a more ready Accefs 
to fuch Coafts by a North-weji PalTage. 

The Point of Suejle del Eftrech d'Anian, inferted in fuch Tables, (liews 
the Opinion of the Streights is far from being exploded ; but it is ac- 
knowledged by the Geographers of Peru and New Spain, at the prefent 
Time, that there are fuch Streights. The naming the South Point of the 
Streight implies there is Land to the Northward, as to which it doth not 
feem to be confiftent with the Purpofe of the Perfon who compofed this 
Table to take any Notice, but that there is fuch Land is confirmed by 
the Rujfian Difcoveries. 

The Extent of America to Northward and Weftward, that America 
and Afia were contiguous and only feparated by a Streight, that Cali- 
fornia was an Ifland, that a Pajfage by the Norih-eaji was prad:icable, 
have been by later Geographers treated as Chimeras, contrary to the ear- 
lieft Accounts, and the Reports of the firft Difcoverers, and which, by 
later Accounts, the Confequence of aftual Obfervations are found to be 
true. There was a Simplicity and Honour in the People of that Ace ; 
there was no Motive for telling the Lie, that they faithfully reported 
the Difcoveries they made, and if a FalHiood was difcovered it mi^ht 
be dangerous in the Confequences ; their Voyages were not lucrative 
Jobs, in Hopes of a Repetition of which they formed their Accounts 
accordingly. There was no particular Syftem to fupport, for the Parts 
they went to were entirely unknown, that a Reward and Reputation 
fhould be procured through a prevailing Intcreft to fuch as fpoke in Fa- 
vour of the Syftem. While thofe to v/hofe Fidelity and Affiduity alone 

P 2 it 

( io8 ) ■ 

it would be ov.'ing that fuch Dilcoverics vciC made, though repeated 
L'lukavours Y.'creufed to render the Undertaking inefl'eftuali and through 
v.'licle Means alone the Truth would be made known to the Publick ; 
flioulJ be ill rpoken of, accufed of Bribery, difcountenanced, and the 
whole Merit afcribed to, where itv/ould be leaft deferved, and, in Truth, 
where there could not be the leaft Pretenfion. Neverthelefs the Reward 
o-iven would be an Inftance of a generous Regard in thofe who had Power 
to beftow of rewarding Merit, tliough they were inevitably deceived as 
t-o t'le proper Perfons to v/hom fuch Rev/ard fliould have been given. 

No Authorities have been produced from Tradition or Pliftory which 
oppoJe the Probability of there being a North-weft Paflage, or the 
Reality of this Account of de Fovte^ which the more we examine the lefs 
there appears to be of a Falfity, the Circumftances of it fo confiftent and 
united, and there are fo many extra Circumftances which concur with 
that Account, that we cannot but admit to be an inconteftable Truth. 
Vv'e have not had a full Account of the Voyages and Expeditions of 
the S'paniardi in New SpaiJi, as fome of them have not been permitted 
to be publiflied. Venegas particularly mentions. Vol. i. P. 14, and in 
other Parts, There are alfo Accounts of Voyages made to other Parts 
of the World, which are only preferved in the Collections of the Cu- 
rious, and it is known but to few Perfons that fuch ^^oyages were ever 
made. There are fome Voyages which are mentioned to have been made, 
but cannot, after the moft diligent Inquiries, be procured; yet it is no 
juft Objeftion to the Authenticity of fuch Voyages, or as to their not 
having been made. What the firft Difcoverers reprcfented as to the Ex- 
tent of America, its being contiguous to Afta, as to California, and as 
to a North-eaft Paflage, being in all RefpeiSts found to be true, thcx-e 
is the greateft Reafon to believe that there is a North-weft Paflage ; 
and it is confiftent with that Precaution which the Spanijh Nation have 
madeUfe of, that we fliould not have any authentick Accounts relating to 
fuch Paflage, which they were defirous of difcovering as a fliorter Way to 
the Spice Iflands and the Indies. But when the King of Portugal and, 
Spain came to an Agreement as to the Moluccas, the principal Reafon 
for making fuch Difcovery was determined, and it became their mutual 
Intereft that it fliould not be known that there was fuch a Paflage. 
Their continued Silence with refpect to fuch Pafliige, implies they are 


( 109 ) 

acquainted with there being fuch a Paffage, though not to an Exadnefs. 
It cannot imply they are dubious, when we confider the Number of Cir- 
cumftances there are already mentioned, which exprefs the contrary. 

There are Circumftances in de Fonte\ Account v/hich fhew the Infe- 
rence of there being no Northzvefi Pcjfage is not juft, though juft as far 
as it appeared to de Fonte, as the River Parmentiers was not navigable 
for Shipping. One Circumftance is, that in the River Haro, and Lake 
Velafco, there were Salmon Trouts and large white Perch ; alio in Los 
Reyes and Lake Belle, but in Lake de Fonte excellent Cod and Ling •, 
which are Fifii that always abide in the Salt Water, the others come out 
of the Salt Water into the frefh Waters to fpawn. Which de Fonte would 
account for that they came into the Lake de Fonte from the North Sea^ 
and when he paflTed the Streight of Ronquillo, fuppofed himfelf to be in 
that Sea, or from the Intelligence that he obtained from Shapley that he 
was in a Gulph or Branch of it. Another Circumftance, as it flov/ed in 
the River Los Reyes twenty-two Feet, and in Haro twenty-four, and but 
a fmall Tide went into Lake Belle, de Fonte concluded that the Weftern 
Tide terminated there, and that as the Waters rofe to fuch a Heighth at 
the Entrance of thofe Rivers, that it was a Gulph he was in which con- 
fined thefe Waters and occafioned their rife at fuch Entrances of the Ri- 
vers. That the Tides in Parmentiers, Lake de Fonte, ajid the Streights 
of Ronquillo, were from the North Sea. But by later Obfervations of the 
Rife of the Tides, a Tide cannot proceed from Hudfonh Bay to that Sea 
where Shapley was met by de Fonte, than through the Streights of Ron- 
quillo into the great Lake of de Fonte, and p/terwards to rife fo high in 
the River Parmentiers. Neither can fuch a Tide proceed through the 
broken Land to Northwards of Ht'.dfcn's Streights, named Cumberland 
Iiles (formerly EJiotland) and which extend as far as Latitude 70 ; for it. 
is evident the Strength of fuch Tides is fpent in Hudfon\ Bay and Baf- 
-fin\ Bay : For at the Bottom of Hudfofi'^ Bay it flowed but two Feet, 
at the Bottom of Fretum Davis or Baffin's Bay, but one Foot. Vv'hich 
is agreeable to the Opinion of all the Bifcoverers of that Tiiue, 
as to the Eaftern Tide from the Proportion that the great Spaces or 
Seas which were to receive it bore to the Inlets by which it came in, 
that the Force of fuch Tide muft be confuted in fuch Seas, and there- 
fore expected to meet with a Tide from Weltward, v/liich counterchecked 
the Eaftern Tide. On the other Hand, if we confider this Tide to be 


( iJo_ ) 

iVom the Vv'cftern Ocean, fuch Tide forced through various Entrances 
up a Streight as that o^ de Fuca, muft enter the Sea where Shapley was 
met, with great Impetuofityi rife in Heighth proportionable to' the 
Yv'idth in all Openings that there are to receive it. As it is the Tide 
round Greenland, and that which comes from the Southward along the 
Coafl oi Labrador, being both received in thofe Indraughts of Hudfon\ 
Strcic^hts, and the broken Lands of Cranber land Ides, which caufes the Rife 
of the Tides there. It may be fuppofed that the North-eaft Part of the 
South Sea, and the Streight of de Fuca, received the Tides which fet to 
Eaftward along the Weftern Main from Bcering's Streights, and the Tide 
which comes from the Southward along the Coaft of California. That 
the Tide is not from the Tartarian Sea, in Lake de Fonte, &c. is evi- 
dent from Bernardo's Account, who fhevvs there is no Communication 
with that Sea and the Sea that Shapley was met in. 

As to the Cod and Ling in Lake de Fonte, or as to Salmon, it is not 
known that there are either Cod, Ling or Salmon in Hud/on's Bay : 
Neither have there been found Shoals or Banks to which the Cod could 
repair ; nor is it known that any Cod have been catched beyond Lati- 
tude 57 ; an Article to which Davis was particularly attentive : There- 
fore it is not probable that they fhould come from the North Sea through 
Hudfon's Bay to Lake de Fonte. De Fonte mentions Shoals in the North- 
caft Part of the South Sea, which he pafled up. And in Vizcaino's Voy- 
ao-e there is an Account that, off the Ifland Geronymo on the Coaft of 
California, the Ships Companies fupplied themfelves with Cod and Ling -, 
which fhews there are Cod and Ling in thofe Seas. It was reafonable for 
de Fonte to fuppofe that the Cod and Ling came from the Eaftward from 
the Baccaloos, neither could he otherwife fuppofe, as the contrary is only 
known from Obfervations made much later than that Time. 

Fox had advanced in 1635, when he publiftied the Account of his 
Voyao-e, that there was a free and open Communication of the Weftern 
Ocean with Hudfon's Bay : Which was looked on as an inconteftable Fa6l 
until the Voyage of Captain Middletcn. What Fox faid was conliftent 
with the Opinion v/hich all the Difcoverers had of the Proxinity of the 
Weftern Ocean ; who therefore judged of the Probability of their Suc- 
cefs in the Parts they went into, frorh the Courfe of the Tides, which 
.7 . i*" 

( III ) 

if there was no Weftern Tide there was no Paflage. This probably pre- 
vented that Succeis, as to a Difcovery of a Paflfage, which through their 
Affiduity might otherwife have been obtained, had they not paid fuch 
a Regard to the Tides, but made a due Survey of the Inlets and Open- 
ings of the Coaft, which on their not finding that a Weftern Tide came 
from thence they deferted, which was alfo the Cafe as to Captam Mccr 
in the Search of Tljiol Bay as called, to Southward of Lord Southwellh 
IQes, there was no Weftern Tide ; therefore a compleat Difcovery of 
that Part was not made. 

It is to be confidered that the Northern and Eaftern Parts oi America, 
are more intermixed v/ith Waters than the Parts to Southward are, 
being a high mountainous Country. The Mountains chiefly confiftino- 
of £ brown rocky Subftance, not penetrable by the melting Snows or 
Spring Rains, which therefore run off into the Levels and Valleys, and 
form inland Seas, great Lakes, and Inlets, which vent their Waters into 
the Ocean, necefl'ary for carrying off that great Qtiantity and vaft Bo- 
dies of Ice which are formed in the Winter in thofe Parts, not to be 
diffolved, as the greater Part is which is formed to the Southward, by the 
Influence of the Sun. The Northern and Weftward Part of America is 
alfo. mountainous ; and high Ridges of Mountains were feen from the 
Head of Wager Bay on the oppofite Shore of what appeared to be a 
Lake •, therefore there muft be Lakes and Seas to Weftward, Refervoirs 
for the melting Snows and Rains, alfo fome Outlet or Channel to carrv 
off the great Quantities of Ice alfo formed in thofe Parts ; and witli 
which Barnarda's Account is confiftent, and the greateft Refervoir and 
Difcharge feems to be to the Northward by that Ncrth-eaft Part of tlie 
Tarlarian Sea. The Lake Vclafco, Lake Belle, Lake de Fcnte, may be 
all fuppofed to proceed from the fame Caufe, the melting Snows and 
Rains, receive the Ice from the Watei"s which run into them, v/hich, 
from the Strength of the Currents and Tides, is foon ftiot from the 
Shores of fuch Lakes, broken to Pieces and carried off into fome Paf- 
fage or Inlet into the South Sea ; and fuch a Vent or Channel to carry 
off fuch Bodies of Ice muft neceffarily be, agreeable to what is knov«n 
by Obfervation in other Parts. The Objeftion of the great Diftance it 
is betv/een the Sea at the Back of Hudfoiz's Bay, and v^'here Sbupley was 
met, will appear of no Validity when v/e confider the Diftance between 

( na ) 

the Strcights of Gibraltar and the Northern Part of the Black Sea. Be- 
tween the Entrance of the Sound to the Entrance of the JVhite Sea, be- 
tween which there is Communication of Waters, or very nearly fo. And 
from Point Comfort in Hudfons Bay to Alderman Sauth's Sound in B^f- 
fi>C2 Bay, between which there is a Communication of Waters without 
entering into the Ocean or Davis Streightn. From Lake Superior to the 
Srreights of Belle IJle at the Back of Newfoundland, or to Cape Breton, is 
near forty Degrees of Longitude, or equal to 390 Leagues. And Lake 
Superior hath a Communication with Hudfon\ Bay. 

This great Afflux of Waters form fuch Meanders and Labyrinths, 
as it is impoffible to fay whether there is a Communication of ^^■'ate^s, 
or whether the Waters are divided by fmaller or larger TracTis or Slips 
of Land, without an abfolute Survey. The Lands fo double or fold 
one within the other, that unlefs you get a proper Sight of fuch Lands 
\o as to diftinguifli this, to difcover the Opening that is between them, 
there is an Appearance of a Continuance of the Land, and confequently 
of a Termination of the Waters. So long as the Tide Argument pre- 
vailed it was not, thought neceflary to be fo accurate in the Searches. A 
S.c^ht of the Land trending a Courfe contrary to that Courfe v/hich the 
Difcoverers were to purfue to make a Paflage, and the Tide coming 
from the Eaftvvard, rendered a Search any further in thofe Parts unnef- 
faiy : and it may be owing to the great Lnpropriery of adopting a par- 
ticular Syftem, more than to any other Caufe, that the Dilcovery of a 
North- weft Faffage was not made by thofe brave induftrious Difco- 
verers who in a Series fuccceded each other from Frcbrijher to James 
and Fox. 

This feems to be certain, that there muft be one great Channel, as 
Hudfon's Streights are to Eaftward, alfo to Weftward though intricate by 
which the Waters to Weftward pafs into the South Sea, and as that to 
Northward, the North-eatl PiT-t of the Tartarian Sea. We ajready know 
there is not a Communication h^-Hudfon'i'&ZY, thro' any Inlet by which the 
Wate.s do corne in there or f iffici^nt for that Purpofe ; neither round 
the Head oi Repulfe Day, for thc'i Jic Current would have been met 
coming from Weftwarv.'. ~ eref^ ■ ; fuch Channel muft be to Southward 
and Weftward, confillcr.L dc Fucd's, Account of a Streight, in fome 


( n3 ) 

fuch Manner as is reprefented in the Map annexed. Which Account 
alfo agreeable to that of Peche. 

De Fuca fays, he (ailed twenty-fix Days up fuch Streight before he 
entered the Sea -, that the Streight grew wider before he entered the Sea. 
If we allow him fifteen Leagues a Day, from tlie Entrance of fiich 
Streights out of the South Sea to v/here ke entered the Sea, by him iup- 
pofed the North Sea, the Diftance is 390 Leagues. As he mentions that he 
found it wide enough every where, this Exprefllon fliews that he did not 
fuppofe himfelf in the Ocean, but in a Gulph of the Ocean. And Martin 
Chacke exprefles himfelf, that after he overfliot the Gulph, he fet no more 
Sight on any other Land. Therefore the Diftance is agreeable to that Di- 
ftance which de Fuca muft have gone to come into that Sea where deFonte 
met Shapley ; the Defcription that he faw both Shores, makes a Confiftency 
alfo in thofe Accounts. Before de Fonte\ Expedition, Hudfon\ Bay had 
been difcovered, yet that Difcovery made no Alteration as to the Accounts 
oi de Fuca 2in6. Chacke, a.s, Fox iiad beyond Lat. 64, round that Land there 
was inconteftably a CommUiiication with the Weftern Ocean. Here is 
an Agreement in three Accounts, by fcparate Perfons at a Diftance of 
Time, who had no Intelligence of what had been done by each other; 
for Chacke was a Portugueze ; and as de Fuca had made his Report to 
the Viceroy of New Spain of what he had done, and what he had done 
feems to be moftly accounted of by himfelf, therefore no Regard might 
be had to it in drawing de Fonte\ Inftrudlions : All which three Ac- 
counts agree in there being a Sea to Weilward of Hudfcn\ Bay, 

De Fuca mentions he was afhore ; law Marks of Gold and Silver \ 
Marquifates the famev/hich was made fuch an Account of after Frchijhsr'% 
return from his firft Voyage, and from whicli it may be inferred it was 
a barren mountainous Country which de Fuca pafled through. He was 
afraid of the Natives, who were clad in Beaft Skins ; and from whofe 
Behaviour he muft have had fome Apprchenfion that they would cut 
him off, as he mentions that he was not armed againft them. Be Fcnte 
is vtvf expreis as to the civil Behaviour of thofe Indians he met v/ith, fo 
contrary to the Character of thofe whom de Fuca fav/. Tliercfore tli^jfe 
whom de Fuca faw were the EfKcmaux, who frequent the mounc/.ir.ous 
and defolate Parts, and near to the Salt Waters v/here they can ca*"h 

Q^ Fhli, 

( iH ) 

Fifh, alfo the Seal and the Whale, from which they get many Conve- 
niencies befides what is neceflary for their Subfiftance ; who are men- 
tioned to be alfo on other Parts of the Coaft of California ; are repre- 
fented as a fierce and barbarous People, vv^ho hol'cf no Treaty or Amity 
with their Neighbours, who are always in Fear of them. 

That deFonte fhould not pafs up the North-eaft Part of the South Sea^ 
but go through Land, mull have been, that the North-eaft Part of the 
South Sea was reprefented as a Gulph, not a Streight, from fome Obfer- 
vations made prior to that Expedition, as to which the Obfervers might 
be deceived, by its taking a Southerly Courfe through fome Inlet or 
Opening obfcured by Iflands, or the Entrance narrow, that they con- 
cluded it only to be fome fmall Branch which foon terminated ; having, 
at the fame Time, a large open Channel before them, which they finding 
afterwards furrounded with Land, concluded there was no Communica- 
tion with any other Waters, but that they had feen the Extremity of 
thefe Waters to Eaftward. That thefe Waters took a Courfe through 
that defert mountainous Country, until they joined with the Waters of 
the Streights that de Fuca came up, the People of Conojfet might not be 
able to give a jull Account of, as they lived fo far to Northward and 
Eaftward. Though they, as the Natives of Conibajfet alfo came occa- 
fionally into the North-eaft Part of the South Sea ; the one moftly fre- 
quented to Northward and Eaftward, the other to Northward and Weft- 
v/ard, as is apparent from de Fonte's Account ; where they had level and 
fruitful Trafts, as they produced fo much Maiz ; a hunting Country, 
as there were three Sorts of Deer-, alfo Fifli in their W^aters. Whereas 
the Country on the oppofite Shore of the North-eaft Part of the South 
Sea, as is apparent from being the Refort of the EJkemaux, would be 
rugged, rocky, and remarkably barren, with little Intermixtures of level 
and fruitful Spots. Therefore the People of Conojfet, or Conihaffet, would 
have no Inducements to go into thofe Parts. May be fuppofed the op- 
pofite Coaft was the Limits of their Enemy's Country, with whom if they 
v/ent to War, and knew that the Waters of the North-eaft Part of the 
South Sea did communicate to Southward with other Waters ; yet it can- 
not be imagined that they went up thofe Waters fo far in their Enemy's 
Country of fo wild a Difpofition, where tliey were always in Danger of 
being furprized, as to know whether thofe Waters joined with the Sea 


< "5 ) 

in which Shapley was met. Might alfo be jealous if the Jefuits, or Par- 
menders, or others who came there, were very particular in their En- 
quiries, that they intended to go and relide amongft their Enemies, 
which, as the Nature of Indians is, would caufe them to be on the Re- 
ferve, and flack in their Informations, as to thofe Parts. 

That thofe Perfons who were in thofe Parts before this Expedition of 
de Fonte, got no Information of this Streight, or of the Waters, as to 
the Courfe of them to Southward, there muft be a confiderable main 
Land to Southward of Lake Belle and Lake de Fonte, as is exprelTed in 
the Map, and as to the Sea to Ealtward, that Part of it which v/as to 
Southward of Ronquillo, no more would be apprehended of it, being 
vmacquainted as to the Streight, than that it was a Part of that Sea con- 
tiguous to Hudfon''s, Bay ; and it not being known at that Time but the 
Tides came from the Eaftward, would have no Reafon to Infer, from the 
Sea running to Southward, that it communicated with a Streight there. 

To take away the Improbability of what is here advanced, we fhould 
refleft what Affurances former Difcoverers gave, that had but the Sea- 
fon permitted to proceed, they fhould certainly have made a Pafiage ; 
though when an Attempt was again made they found their Miftake ; 
and from Obfervations then made, they faw good Reafon to have a dif- 
ferent Opinion as to the Nature of the PafTage from v/hat they had be- 
fore, and very reafonable, as their Searches were made in Parts entirely 
unknown ; and as to the Appearance of the Land, the Courfe of tlie 
Waters, and the Set of the Tides, the moil judicious might be de- 

The SpaniJJj Nation had not been able to make out a PafTage by their 
various Attempts, agreeable to the Accounts of private Perfons, which 
probably might give an Opportunity for the Reprefentations of the Je- 
fuits to be attended to, who would urge every Argument in Behalf of 
their Difcovery, and endeavour to invalidate the former Accounts as to 
a Pafiage ; which by that Time, from the ill Succefs as to difcoverino- a 
PafTage, might not be at that Time fo much thought of; and as Dif- 
ference in Time produces a Change in Opinions, whatever makes for 
the reigning Opinion is adopted, as every Thing that is contradictory is 

0^2 depreciated. 

( 'i6 ) 

depreciated. The Arguments for the Opinion which prevailed before 
for a navicrable PafTage might be treated as fallacious and infignificant, 
and the Inftrudions for the Expedition oi de Font e might be drawn agree- 
able to the Jefuits Plan, whom it is evident knew nothing of a Streight, 
but confidered the Land of Ainerica as one continued Continent to La- 
titude 66. And whatever Weight this Conjedlure may have, it is appa- 
rent from the ConGderation of de Fonte\ Letter, that the Inftrudlions 
were drawn from the Information of fome who had been before in thofe 
Parts : And by whom can it be fuppofed more properly that the 
Court received the Isformation which they had than from the Jefuits, 
whole Underftanding and Charafter would admit them to a free Con- 
verfe with the Minifter on a lefs Occafion than they would now have, to 
give an Account of thole Parts they had been in. 

The Court of Spain does not feem, from the Proceedings, to be of the 
fame Opinion with the Jefuits, or de Fonte after his return. As the Go- 
vernor of Citioloa is immediately ordered to take a Survey of the Coafts 
and Harbours of California. And the next Year Admiral Caffanate is fent 
from Old Spain ; and it is probable the Court was not of the Opinion of 
the Jefuits when they gave this Information, but formed the Inftrudlions 
for de Fonte agreeable thereto. As the moft expedient Method, at that 
Time, for intercepting the People from Bofton, was to go the Way they 
gave an Account of with the Boats through Land, as the Ships might 
meet with Difficulties and Delays in paffing up the Streights, alio ran 
great Hazard •, the Boflon Ship miglit pafs them unperceived. AVhereas, 
on the Plan which was purfued, if they heard by the Natives that the 
Bofion Ship had pafled, and taken her Courle further to Southward or 
Vv^eftward, de Fonte would have repaired aboard his Ship, proceeded 
down Los Reyes, and v/ith the Diligence wliich he would have made Ufe 
of, fell in with the Bofton Ship either in fuch North-eajf Part of the South 
Sea, or on the Coaft of Ciplifor/:ia, leaving Orders for Barnardo how to 
aft in this Refpeft on his return. From which Conduft, and the Look- 
out that was kept on the Coaft of Mexico and Peru, it would have 
been alfo impoffible for the Bofton People, unacquainted with thefe Parts, 
iind not expefting fuch a Diligence was ufcd to intercept them, to have 
made a fuccefsfui Voyage. 


( nr ) 

That there is a Sea to the Weftward of Hudfon's Bay is reported by 
the Indians., and is reprefented to have Ice in it like Hud/ait's, Bay. 

Governor Dobbs, in his Account of the Countries adjoining to Hud- 
fcfi'?, Bay (P. 19.) mentions from Jofeph le France, that their Savages 
reported that in the Bottom of the Northern Bay there is a Streight, 
they can eafily difcover Land on the other Side : They had never gone 
to the End of that Streight. They fay there is Ice there all the Year,' 
which is drove by the Wind, fometimes one Way fometimes another. 

The Indians, who are caWed Northern Indians, having their Habitations 
to North-weft of Churchill, mention a Sea to the Weftward of them, and ■ 
which is from Churchill Fa-Aory m Hudfon^s Bay twenty-five Days Jour- 
ney, not a direft Courfe, but from the round they are obliged to 
take. They fpeak of the EJkeinaux Indians to Eaftward of them, but 
never give an Account of any other Nations to Northward or Weftward 
of them, yiw Scroggs, who was fent out by the Httdfon's Bay Company 
in 1722, had two Northern Indians, whom he carried with him, v/hen 
he was in about Lat. 62. knew the Country very well, and had a great 
Defire to go home, faying they were but two or three Days Journey 
from their Family. And the Northern Indians who were with Captain ■ 
Middletcn, vrere defirous of his going near the Shore, between Lat. 62 
Deg. and 64. In Lat. 63" and 14', Captain Aliddleton put two of the 
Indians afnore, who were defirous of returning to their own Country. 
And the Author faw an Lidtan, v/hofe Daughter had married a Northern 
Indian and been home with her, direft his own Son to flcetch out on- 
a Board with a burnt Stick, the Coaft of that Sea, which his Son did,' 
and the Father afterwards took and corrected it where he faid the Son 
had miftook. 

Governor B'obis, in the Account mentioned P. 45, mentions, ' t\\i.t^i. 
'■'Jofeph le France was acquainted v/ith an Indian, who lived at fome 
' Diftance from Ndfon River in Hudfon''s Bay, who, about 15 Years be- 
' fore that Tim.e, went to War againft a Nation living Northward on - 
' the Weftern Ocean of America. When they went they carried their 

* Families with them, ajid hunted and fifhed from Place to Place fcr 
' two Winters and one Summer, having left their Country in Autumn, 

* and in April following came to the Sea Side, on the Weftern Coaft-, 

' wliere 

( ii8 ) 

' where they Immediately made their Canoes. At Ibme little Diftancc 
' they faw an Ifland, which was about a League and a Half long when 
' the Tide was out, or Water fell, they had no Water betwixt them and 
' the Illand, but when it rofe it covered all the Paflage betwixt them and 
' the Ifland, as high up as the Woods upon the Shore. There they 
' left their Wives and Children, and old Men, to conduft them home 
* and provide them with Provifions, by hunting and Ihooting for them 
' on the Road ; and he, with thirty Warriors, went in Quell of their 
' Enemies the I'ete Plat. After they parted with their Families they 
' came to a Streight, which they pafled in their Canoes. The Sea 
' Coail lay almoft Eaft and Well ; for he faid the Sun rofe upon his 
' Right Hand, and at Noon it was almoft behind him as he pafled the 
"• Scrcightj and always fet in the Sea. After pafling the Streight they 
' coaflcd along the Shore three Months, going into the Country or 
' Woods as they went along to hunt for Provifions. He faid they faw 
' a great many large black Fifh fpouting up Water in the Sea. After 
' they had coafted for near three Months, they faw the Footfteps of fome 
' Men on the Sand -, then judged they were near their Enemies, quitted 
' their Canoes, went five Days through the Woods to the Banks of a 
"• River, found their Enemy's Town, made an Attack, the Enemy ral- 
' lied and put them to flight.' Then proceeds, ' upon which they fled 
' to the Woods, and from thence made their Efcape to their Canoes be- 
' fore their Enemies overtook them, and after a great deal of Fatigue 
' got to the Streight •, and, after getting over, they all died one after 
' tlie other, except this old Man, of Fatigue and Famine, leaving him 
' alone to travel to his own Country, which took him up about a Year's 
' Time.' When he reached the River Sakie he met his Friends again, 
who relieved him. 

The Indians that this antient Indian went to War againft, (and this 
Indian was living at 2'crk Fori in Hudfonh Bay in 1746) are mentioned 
to be the T'ete Plat^ or Plafcotez de Chicus. The Part which they inhabit 
is varioufly laid down by the Geographers ; by fome in Lat. Gy., Long. 
265 Eaft from Ferro^ which is the extremeft Longitude that their Country 
is laid down in. Monf. deLiJle and others place them in Lat. 61,^ andLong. 
2 So Eaft from Ferro., fo their true Situation is uncertain. Yet it is apparent 
that they do not live near to or on the Coaft of the South Sea, orWeftern 
Ocean. For what Jofeph le France in this Account, and fo of all Indians, 



( "9 ) 

meant by the "Word Sea Is any Mafs or Colleftion of Salt Waters which- 
have a Tide. P. 38, in the fame Work, giving an Account of the Indians 
pafllng down to York Fort. ' The River de Terre Rouge, and from that 
' Place they defcend gradually to the Sea.' By •viKichJofeph le France 
means HudfotCi Bay. Governor Dohbs mentioning the Weftern Ocean of 
America is a Miftake, which he was led into as having a Confiftency 
with the Syftem which he had adopted. Thefe Warriors left their own 
Country in Autumn, are faid to have lived near Port Nelfon or Tork 
Fort, and were at the Sea Side in April. Their not being fooner is not 
to be attributed to the Length of the Journey but to the Seafon of the 
Year. The old Indian was a Year returning to his own Country ; but 
he was fatigued and almoft famifhed,, fo labouring under a great Debi- 
lity, and had his Food to feek in whatever Manner he could procure it. 
The Winter alfo came on foon after his return from the Enemy. They 
were on the Weftern Side of the Land, which feparates Hudfori's Bay 
from that Sea, where they faw fo great a Tide. Afterwards palTed a. 
Streight, which Streight lay North and South. The Sea they came from 
and the Sea they paffed into after fuch Streight, laid Eaft and Weft. 
They continually kept the Weftern Shore, as that was the Side on which 
their Enemy lived ; and though they were fo long as three Months in 
their Paflage, they were obliged to go every Day aftiore to hunt, being 
thirty in Company, required a pretty confiderable Subfiftance. Their 
Canoes can bear no Serge or Wave when the Wind blows, therefore are 
obliged to keep clofe to the Shore, and muft go to the Bottom of each 

This Account agrees both with that o? de Fonte and deFuca. The Sea 
they imbarked on was that at the Back oi Hudfonh Bay, and the Streight 
might be formed by fome Ifland, or both the Shores approach each other,, 
tho' the Account is not fufEciently intelligible to make any Defcription of 
ir in the Map. De Fuca fays the Streight grew wider when he entered 
fuch Sea, which feems to imply it had been narrow. And the Indians, as 
before-mentioned, faid there y/as a Streight, and they can perceive the 
Land on the other Side. Be Fuca alfo mentions he went afhore, and 
found the Land fruitful, and rich of Gold and Silver and Pearls, and 
other Things, like Nova Hifpania. Which fliews it was a mixed Coun- 
try ; for a fruitful Country' and a Produce of Gold and Silver is not a 

7 DefcriptioJi. 

( 120 ) 

Defcription compatible with one and the fame Part. The one we may 
fuppofe the Delcription of the Parts nearer the Ocean, the other of the 
Parts where the Tece Plat live : But the old Indian feems alfo to make 
a Diftinftion ; for he fays they went to hunt in the Countiy and the 
Woods. When they had paffed the Streight, they came into the broader 
Part of the Streight of Anian, which appeared to them to be a Sea. As 
to the Place of their Imbarkation, they would be direftcd by where they 
could procure Birch to make their Canoes. 

The true Situation of the Part they went to, nor where they imbarked 
is not to be determined with any Certainty ; but it doth net carry the 
leafl: Probability that the went to War with a People more than a thou- 
fand Miles diftant. It is fcarce probable they had ever heard the Name 
of the Inhabitants of thofe Parts, much more fo acquainted with their 
Situation as to be able to form a Plan of going to conquer them. There 
muft have been fome particular Caufe for their going to War with a People 
fo far off; what that was it would be ditficult to imagine i if it was only to 
fliew their Prowefs, they muft have had Enemies nearer home, againft 
v/laom there was a greater Probability of fucceeding. Neither could it be 
at thatDiftance, as they had one continued Scene of Faugue until they 
reached the Streights; their Hearts broken by Reafon of liie E ■:'':ppoint- 
ment, the Heat of Summer, no venturing afliore but for a very fhcrtTime, 
either for Food or Refrefhment, as they expefted tlie Conquerors to 
follow them v/ith Canoes, it would have been imp; .able for them to 
have reached the Streight. If they had a hundred a direcT: 
Courfe until they attained the Place of their In?barkation, and by going 
round the Bays, might be near twice thit Diilance, the Current alfo 
againft them, it would be fulucient, ftout young Fellows, and full of 
Blood as they were, for what they underwent to be fatal to them. It is 
evident the Streight was not far from where they imbarked, and the Re- 
lation feems to exprefs it fo, as they had fuch a Fatigue in attaining to 
it. Allowing the Tete Plat to be in Long. 108 Degrees from London^ 
and tlie true Courfe v/as W. S-. W. or E. N. E. on their return, with a 
Diftance of a hundred Leagues, they would alter their Latitude 114 
Miles, and mr'.ke 277 Miles Departure, which, with 27 Miles to a De- 
gree, would make the Place of their Imbarkation to be in Longi- 
tude 98 from London^ about the Longitude of Ronqiiillo. As to the 
2 , Latitude 

( ^21 ) 

Latitude where the "Tete Plat Indians live, and as to the Longitude it 
is but conjefture ; there is fuch a Difcordancy and Contradidion in 
the Maps, there is fuch Uncertainty, that the North-weH; and Weft 
Parts beyond Hudfon\ Bay in the Latitude of Churchill, feem to be 
entirely unknown. But this is to be obferved, and which has been 
my Direction in thefe Obfervations, the Northern Indians and the Heme 
Indians about the Faftoiy of Tork Fort, mention tliefe Tete Plat Indians, 
and fpeak of them as their Enemies, therefore they cannot be at fo great 
a Diftance as the Weftern Ocean, neither further than where I have fup- 
pofed their Country to be. For as the Time the Indians were going 
there three Months, that is not to be confidered fo much with relpeft 
to the Diftance, as they would choofe a proper Seafon, when there were 
the feweft Indians in the Towns, and were moftly engaged abroad in their 
Summer hunting. Perhaps there are no People who plan better in the 
Partizan Way, and execute with more Succefs. They fix the Time they 
intend to make their Attack before they fet out, then proceed eafily and 
gradually towards their Enemy's Country, allowing a Sufficiency of 
Time in which they may recover any Accident by which they might be 
delayed, as unfeafonable Weather, Difficulty and Difappointments as to 
procviring Subfiftance, or any Indifpofition, that they go to Aftion in 
their full Strength and Vigour ; as an Indian who conducts an Expedi- 
tion would be as much contemned for Want of Prudence, on his Re- 
turn to the Towns, as he would for his Want of Conduft in leadino- his 
People to an Attack, and v/hen the Enemy was too powerful not bring- 
ing them off without the Lofs of a Scalp. In either of which Cafes the 
young People, who obferve freely the moft exaft Difcipline, and im- 
plicitly obey what he orders, would not go any more to War with him.. 

Which Way the Bofion Ship made this Paftage is uncertain. Gibbons 
was acquainted with Bylot, was Shipmate with hini in Sir 'Thomas Button's 
Voyage. Bylot was alfo with Gibbons tiie Time he loft his Seafon, by 
being detained in the Ice. Bylot made an Expedition for Difcovery of 
a Paffage in the Year 1615, on Sir Thomas Button having at a Trial of 
a Tide off the Illand of Nottingham, in Hudfon's Streights, found it came 
from the North-weft, and to be from an Opening at the Back of Gary's 
Swans-neft, this Tide he went in Purfuit of ; and was as far up as Lar. 
6^ Deg. 26 Min. then fuppofed v/here he was was nothing but a Bay, 

R but 

( J22 ) 

but could not (he had gone up the Eaft) return down the Weft Shore. 
Whether Gibbons took his Information from Bylot, and purfued his Plan, 
is uncertain, and found his Way round the Head of Repulfe Bay. He 
was alfo acquainted with what Fo:< had done, who went into Lat. 66 Deg. 
r Min. fo further than Bylot^ v/ho did not return down tlie Weflcrn 
Shore -, but his People being indifpofed, and not finding a North-weft 
Tide, he haftened home. Thefe Parts, therefore, were not properly 
fearched, the Conclufion drawn for there not being a PafTage there, 
being that the Tide came from the Eaftward. 

Or whether Gibbons went through Hudfon\ Bay is equally uncertain. 
The undifcovered Parts of which Bay, or tlie Openings that were not de- 
termined in the Expedition in the Year 1747, are in a Map hereto an- 
nexed. But the Termination of CheJlerfieUh or Bowden's Inlet hath, been 
fince fearched by the Direftion of the Hudfon's Bay Company, and a 
Plan made of it, which I have not feen. Tlieir Defign was to go as far 
up fuch Inlet until it terminated, or there was a Paffage into another 
Water. But as it is terminated by Land, and if there is no Inlet or 
Opening left on the North or South Shore unfearched, or a Survey 
taken from the Pleights, by which they could be fatisfied there was. 
no Communication with any other Waters by which there could be a,. 
Paflage, it is to be concluded that Chefterfield Inlet is no Streight or Paf- 
fage as was expefted, and it appeared to be as far as the Californiai- 
Boat went up, according to the Report made at that Time. The People 
■who had been ia the Boat belonging to the California, when the Ship 
was going up Wager Bay, where, from the Depth of the Water, the 
Breadth between both Shores, the high mountainous Land, there was 
great Reafon to believe there was a Streight or Paflage : Thofe People 
declared, if there was a Streight they were afTured that Chefierfcid Inlet 
was a Streight alio. 

There remains then to be fearched for the Difcovery of a Paflage, the 
Opening called Pijlol Bay, in Hudfon's Bay. That Part which Bylot and 
Fox left undetermined, along the Coaft to Southward of Bajjins Bay cdl- 
]£d Cumbcrlami l(\cs, which entirely confifts of large Inlets and brokea 
Lands. We may be too premature in our Conclufions as to the Im- 
pradicability of fuch a Paflage from the high Latitude and the Short- 

JUrjill BWH7T- 

T\\s niscovjcjiiJ^s] Idc 

^. \\Soimd 

TO the 

I X O R T H "SV E S T P 

O F 

H I'^ Jj) S O 1 

By C ap? Smith ir 
1746 &: 1747. 


77« cr/aU i.Y"e^ 

( 122 ) 

but could not (he had gone up the Eaft) return down the Weft Shore, 
Whether Gibbons took his Information from Bylot, and purfued his Plan, 
is uncertain, and found his Way round the Head of Repulfe Bay. He 
was alio acquainted with v. hat Fox liad done, who went into Lat. 66 Deg. 
r Min. fo further than Bylot, v/ho did not return down the Weilcrn 
Shore ; but his People being indifpofed, and not finding a North-v/elt 
Tide, he haftened home. Thefe Parts, therefore, were not properly 
fearched, the Conclufion drawn for there not being a PafTage there,, 
being that the Tide came from the Eaftward. 

Or whether Gibbons went through Hv.ifon\ Bay is equally uncertain. 
The undifcovered Parts of which Bay, or the Openings that were not de- 
termined in the Expedition in the Year 1747, are in a Map hereto an- 
nexed. But the Termination of Chejlerfield^s or Bowden's Inlet hath, been 
fmce fearched by the Direftion of the Hudfon's Bay Company, and a 
Plan made of it, which I have not feen. Their Defign was to go as far 
up fuch Inlet until it terminated, or there was a Paflage into another 
Water. But as it is terminated by Land, and if there is no Inlet or 
Opening left on the North or South Shore unfearched, or a Survey 
taken from the Heights, by which they could be fatisfied there was 
no Communication with any other Waters by which there could be a 
Paflage, it is to be concluded that Cbefierfield Inlet is no Streight or Paf- 
fa^e as was expefted, and it appeared to be as far as the Calif ornias 
Boat went up, according to the Report made at that Time. The People 
who had been in the Boat belonging to the California, when the Ship 
was o-oincr up Wager Bay, where, from the Depth of the Water, the 
Breadth between both Shores, the high mountainous Land, there was 
great Reafon to believe there was a Streight or Paflage : Thofe People 
declared, if there was a Streight they were afllired that Cheflerfdd Inlet 
was a Streight alfo. 

There remains then to be fearched for the Difcovery of a Paflage, the 
Opening called Piftol Bay, in Hudfon\ Bay. That Part which Bylot and 
Fox left undetermined, along tlie Coaft to Southward of Bnjfns Bay cal- 
led Cumberland Ifles, which entirely confifls of large Inlets and broken 
Lands. We may be too premature in our Conclufions as to the Im- 
jjradic ability of fuch a Paflage from the Iiigh Latitude and the Short- 


pradicability of luch a Panagc tVom the Ingh Latituae anu uic ou... 


( 123 ) 

nefs of the Seafon, as we have the Inftance of the Bojlon Ship, which was 
fo far advanced in the Sea to Weftward of Hiidfonh Bay in the Month of 
Augufi ; and fome Time would be taken up in finding out the Way. 
The ftrong Tides that fet in, and the Current when to Weftward, which 
there is apparently in the other Sea, may give an Expedition tliat may 
compenfate againft the Shortnefs of the Seafon. It is but a ftiort Time 
that would be required to pafs that Part of the PafTage which lies in 
thofe high Latitudes, as the Courfe would be foon altered to the 

Seyxas y Lovera, in his Thentro Naval Hydrographico, in the feventh 
Chapter, P. 426, fays, ' North-eaft of America there is the Coaft of 
* Greenland^ from fixty to fixty-eight Degrees, where there is to the Eaft 
' the Entrance of the Streight of Frobijher. North-v/eft in the different 
' Iflands which compofe the Northern Parts of America^ there is the 
' Entrance of the Streight oi Huafon, where the North Sea communi- 
' cates with the South Sea, paffing out of the Entrance of the Streio-ht 
' of Anian, which runs North-eaft and South- weft to the Northward of 
' the Ifland of California, which Streight is hid by great Gulphs on 
' the Part that is North of America, which contain fuch great Iflands, 
' as Cumberland (or EJloliland) that are more than one hundred Leagues 
' in Length from North-eaft to South-weft, and their Extremity from 
' Eaft to Weft more than feventy Leagues.' — Page 44. ' Some hold it 
' for certain that you can fail from Spain to China through thofe Streiohts, 
' or to Japan, or to the Lands of Efo, in three Months. As fays alfo 

* Doftor Pedro de Syria ; but it is the Opinion of D. T. V. 2''. Author of 

* the Hiftory of the Imperial States of the World, that he holds it for 
' vincertain whether there is fuch Streight by which you can pafs from 
' the North to the South Sea, — P. 45. There were fome of the Subjects 
' of the King of France, who offered themfelves, if they could get his 
' Majefty's Licence, to perform that Voyage in four Months; entering 

* the Canal de Hudfon from out of the Ocean, with a Courfe North-weft 
' or Weft North-weft, taking always a Sight of the Coaft at Noon, thpy 
' lliould attain to the Height of the Ar£Iic Circle, or one Degree m.ore, 
' as in making that Voyage they will be favoured in that Part by the 
' Currents and Winds from the Eaft and South-eaft, and afterwards in 

R i . 'their 

( i^^4 ) 

' their Paflage by the Streight of Anian^ the Winds and Currents would 

* be from the North. — It is faid that feme Strangers (on what Occa- 
' fion is not faid) have gone that Rout ■, and that there is in the Ar- 
' chieves of the Admiralty of Lijhon, and of the Contratacicn at Seville, a 
' Copy of fuch Rout -, what I here obferve is the fame with what Do;i 
' Francifio de San MiUan obfcrves, from which or from the Copy of 

* which Rout to be feen in various Languages, or the Difpofition of the 
' faid Streights, he holds it for certain that there is fuch a Courle, and 
' relates. That a Hollander, on the Evidence of a Spaniard who was 

* aboard his Ship, from the North of California, forced by the Winds 

* from South- weft, attained to fixty-fix Degrees North-eaft, after- 
' wards took a Courfe Eaft, and Eaft South-eaft, came into fifty-eiglrt 

* Degrees, when he entered the North Sea to Northward of Te7-ra Nova, 
' from thence to Scotland, and from Scotland to Lijbmt, in lefs than three 
' Months from the Port oi Nativadad to Lijbon, of which Voyage he 

* makes'no Doubt.' And Seyxas obferves, he hath feen many other 
Accounts of Voyages made from Holland, aMb from England, to the 
South Sea in three or four Months, which he much doubts, from the 
Shortnefs of the Time ; alio as in the Spanijh Hiftorians they have an 
Account of what pafles in the. feveral Parts of the South Sea, in Cathay, 
■and China, and no fuch Thing is to be found in the Bii/liotheea of the 
Licentiate Antonio de, Leon, which fets forth all the Difcoveries and 
Voyages whicn have been made from any Region from the Year 1200 
m. America. , ,_ 

It is plain from the Account of Seyxas, he doth not determine abfo- 
luteiy for a Paflage, but that there is a Paflage is his Opinion. His chief 
ObjeiSlion is to the Accounts from the Brevity of the Time in whicli the 
Voyages were faid to be performed, and there being no Account in a 
careful Writer of the Difcoveries made in thofe Parts. He doth not 
.confine the Paflage; to Hudfon's Bay, as I underftand him, but to the 
Streight and the other Openings to Northward through Cuml^erland Ifles, 
and that they go tip into as high a Latitude as tlie ArHic Circle. Which 
is agreeable to Acofiah Account, and gives a further Explanation to his 
Meanbg than I. have already done. As to which Ifles, and to the North- 
ward and Eaftward of C<zr^'s Swans-nejl, it is apparent, from the Peru- 

( 125 ) 

fal of the Voyages, there hath been no certain Account on a compleat 
Difcovery as to thofe Parts. What he fays as to the Voyage of the Hol- 
lander^ it muft be obferved it was while Holland was under the Spanijh 
Government in the Reign o^ Philip the Second, and feems to be the 
fame Voyage, of which Mention hath been made that an Account was 

found amongft the Papers of that Prince. 

',rj§fi«J f-'jonsv Ti n-:.'^! tid oj vioH 

It hath been fhewn to have teeri the conftant Opinion of there beinw 
a North-weft Paflage, from the Time foon after which the South Sea was 
difcovered near the Weftern Part oi America, and that this Opinion was 
adopted by the greateft Men not only in the Time they lived, but whofe 
Eminence and great Abilities are revered by the prefent ^.o-e. That 
there is a Sea to Weftward of Hudfon\ Bay, there hath been o-iven the 
concurrent Teftimony of Indians ; and of Navigators and Indians that 
there is a Streight which unites fuch Sea with the Weftern Ocean, The 
Voyage which lead us into thefe Confiderations, hath fo many Circum- 
ftances relating to it, which, now they have been confidered, ftiew the 
greateft Probability of its being authentick ; which carry with them as 
much the Evidence of a Faft, afford as great a Degree of Credibility as 
we have for any Tranfaftion done a long Time lijice, which hath not 
been of a publick Nature and tranfafted in the Face of the World, fo 
as to fall under the Notice of every one, though under the Difadvan- 
tage that the Intent on one Part muft have been to have it concealed 
and buried in Oblivion. Tranfaded alfo by Perfons in a private Part 
of the World, who only fpoke of it amongft their Friends at home 
■being themfelves Strangers to what they had effe(!>ed, and made little 
Account of their Voyage. Befides the Chagrin of their Difappointment, 
and the illnatured Refledlions it might fubjeft them to, they mio-ht think 
it alfo beft not to communicate it to the Publick, as it might encourage 
others to the like Undertaking, and fo they fall into the Hands of the 
Spaniards, not only at the Hazard of their Ship, but their Lives, or at 
ieaft fubjedt them to many Hardfhips fuch as they had fuftained to no 
Purpofe. Therefore they thought proper to fay littk about their Difco- 
very, as it might only be a Means ■ of entrapping fome brave Adven- 
t-urers, who might be animated by their Example to a like Undertaking. 
Thefe would he and were, by its being loJiitlepublilbed on their Psrts, 


( 125 ) 

(and no Accouiits of it in Evgland.^ which fliews their Friends were under 
an Injunftion not to make it publick) the Refolutions of fuch fenfible 
and fagacious Men as Gibbons and Shaplcy-Yicrc agreeable to which they 
acled. . All which Circuinftances confidered, what Degree of Evidence 
can be reqtured more than hath been given to authenticate this Account 
of de Fontc ?■ 

Thofe who argue againft a North-weft Paflage have no better Foun- 
dation for their Arguments, Than that there is no Tide from Weft- 
ward. Which is arguing only for the Truth of a Syftcm, and hath 
nothing to do with the Reality of a PaiTage, and in all Probabihty hath 
been the principal Occafton that a PafTage hath not been compleated : 
For a different Courfe of the Land, and no Tide from Weftward, con- 
cluded any further Searches in fuch Part, but on a due Survey made of 
the Map, as the Tide will enter up the Streight of de Fiica, and proba- 
bly other contiguous Entrances which are not yet known, befides the 
North-ealT; Branch of the South Sea, which we fuppofe to join with fuch 
Streight ; the Tide would fill that Sea on the Back of Htidfoiis Bay, and 
the Openings but be checked to the Northward by the Current ; and 
may be hindered from coming into Hudfon\ Bay through the Inlet from 
Caufes not known, or there being great Indraughts on the oppofite 
Shore, which may take off the Force of the Tide, and caufe it to come 
but a fmall Way up fuch Inlet. There is Reafon to believe tlie proper 
Paflage is up the Streight of de Fuca, therefore that is the proper 
Streight oi Anion, as de Fonte proceeded no further than Los Reyes, and 
declared there was no North-weft PaiTage ; but the North-eaft Part of 
the South Sea hath a Communication, as is exprelTed in the Map, in 
defcribing which a Certainty cannot be expefted, or an Exattnefs but 
what may be contradi<5led if a Difcovery be made. The Defign of the 
Map, befides what relates to the Expedition of de Fonte, is to fhew there 
is a Streight, called the Streight oi de Fuca. A Sea at the Head of that 
Streight, at the Back of Hudfon'?, Bay, from which Sea there is a Paflage 
either by an Inlet into Hudfon's Bay, or by a Streight at the Head of 
Repulfe Bay, and fo to Northward of Hudfon's Bay •, from which Streight 
there is a PaflTage into the North Sea, either to Eaftward of the Land of 
Carf^ Swani-neji into Hudfon'% Streight, or by Cumberland Ifles, and ex- 

i prefled 

( 127 ) 

prefTed in the Map in the Manner that the refpedive Accounts reprefent, 
according to our Underftanding of them, with a Submiffion to Correction 
and fuperior Judgment. But an abfolute Contradidion v/ithout invali- 
dating^ the Accounts on which fuch Map is conftruded, or to fay there 
is' no^North-weft Paffage, which it is impoffible ftiould be determined 
until a Search is made in the Parts which remain to be fearched, are no 
Objeftions, are only Opinions, without any Authority to fupport them,: 
which Time muft reftify. 

To make an Expedition to difcover whether there is aPaflage by thofe 
tarts which remain unfeaiched, purpofely from England, is what I think 
an honeft, difmterefted, or impartial Perfon cannot recommend, as fuch 
Expeditions might be repeated witli great Expence, and the Event un- 
certain. The Government gave their Affiftance, and the Generofity of 
the Merchants hath been fufficiently experienced, both in England and 
America: Therefore it becomes every one v/hofe Intention it is folely 
that fuch a beneficial Service fliould be done to avoid propofing what, 
might, in the Confeqvience, be an unnecefTary Expence to Government, 
and abufe the Generofity of the Merchants. 

The Ships which went on thefe Expeditions, after they left the Ork- 
neys, had no Place to put into, neither could they there Wood or Wa- 
ter, ' or conveniently repair a Damage. If they met with a Delay in paf- 
fing Hudfofi\ Streights, they were obliged, from the fmall Part of the 
Serfon that was remaining, to go to the HudjWs Bay Fadories to winter; 
that they might have tlie more Time the next Year; were obliged to. 
go to the Factories earlier than they were neceffitated on Account of the 
Weather, in order to get their Ships laid up, and every other Conve- 
nience for wintering prepared before that the Winter fet in. The Hud- 
[on\ Bay Company, jealous of a Defign- to interfere with their Trade, 
probably their Fears not ill grounded, the Confequence was, there was 
no Cordiality between the Faa;ors and the Captains. The Ships People, 
by wintering, fuffered in their Health, great Wages .going on,aConfump- 
tion of Provifions, a Spirit of Difcontent and Oppofition araongft the 
inferior Officers, which obftrucled the Succefs of the next Summer. To. 
obviate all which in any future Proceedings, aDilcovery was undertaken 
on the Coaft of Labrador, to find Harbours on that Coaft which Ships; 
could repaii- to if neceffary on their A^oyage out, or to repair to on tiiejr 


( 128 ) ^ 

fcturn, which th.ey could be at fooner than st the Fcrdories, ftay longer 
on Difcovery, and return the fame Year to Enghvid. How well this At- 
tempt anfwered the Defign, may be collefted from the Extract from a 
Journal of a Voyage hereunto annexed, performed in the Year 1753, 
giving an Account of the Coaft of Labrador. As what is now to be 
done in the Dilcovery of a PalTage in Hud/en's Bay may be effeded in a 
Summer, and if there is the defired Succefs, an Inlet found by which 
there is a Paflage into the Sea adjacent out of that Bay, the Vef- 
fel which makes fuch Difcover)', and all Ships at their return by fuch 
Inlet, will have no Occafion to go to the Southern Part of the Bay, 
it will be out of their Courfe, but proceed through the Streights to 
Labrador, there Wood and Water, get frefh Fifti, and other Refrefli- 
ments -, can repair any Damage either as to their Malls, or their Hull, 
and return the fame Year to Engla7id by the common Trad of the New- 
foundland Ships, and not to go to the Orkneys. 

That there was a good fifliing Bank, a Coaft convenient for carrying 
on a Fiihery, a Fur Trade, alfo for Whalebone and Oil with the EJkeinaux 
Indians, was a Difcovery the Confequence of that Attempt from America. 
To take the Benefit of which Difcovery feems now to be tlie Intention 
of the Publick. And a Survey of fuch Coaft being ordered to be made 
by the Government, if fuch Survey is extended fo far as to thofe Parts, 
in which as already mentioned fuch Paflage muft be, and without it is 
fo far extended, the Defign of attaining a true Geographical Account of 
the Northern Coafts of America would be incompleat. By this Means 
it muft be known whether there is fuch a Pafl^uge, the Probability of 
which is unqueftionable. Alfo by fuch Survey a better Account will be 
got which Way the Whales take their Courfes, and confequently where 
it is beft to go in Purfuit of them. Alfo as to thofe EJkemaiix who fre- 
quent to Northward of Hudfon\ Streights, where they retire to, and a 
proper Place be found to keep a Fair with them. As thefe EJkemaux as 
well as thofe on Greenland Side, who have not come into thofe Parts any 
long Duration of Time, being the fame Kind of /;;i/^«J with thofe in the 
South Sea, and as they tranlport themfelves and Families from one Part 
to another by Water, it feems highly probable that it is by fuch a Paflage 
or Streight that they have got fo far to Eaftward. This Difcovery of a 


( 129 ) 

Pafiage can be made without any additional Expence, wov^ in wiu'i 
other Services, as was in the Difcoveries which were ordered to be made 
by the King of Spain on the Coafts oi Califcrnia. The Propriety of a 
VefTel to make fuch a Survey, and the'Abiliues and P'"iJcl;:y of the 
Perfons will be undoubtedly taken Care for. The Run from Labra- 
dor, let it be from any Harbour, will be but fmall to any wIiLre, 
where it is neceflary to make the Survey. The Perfons fent will go frcih 
out of Harbour, whereas, with a Run from the Orkneys, the People are 
fatigued ; will now be refreihed as if they had not come from Europe. 
Will be out from fuch Harbour but a few Weeks, in a fine Seafon of the 
Year, no Way debilitated by the Scurvy, and in a few Summers will be 
enabled to compleat their Survey of that Coaft -, ufing fuch an Afiidulty 
as they proceed as not to leave any Part on Suppofition or Truft, but 
being allured where any Inlet or Opening determ.ines. A Perfon who 
underftands EJkemaux, and one or more EJkemaiix to be procured, 
would be of Service as Pilots, and to give an Account of the adjacent 
Country. And there is no Veflel (it is mentioned as perhaps it is not 
^o very well known) fo proper and ferviceable for this long-fliore Work 
as a Marble-head Schooner, about fixty Tons, fortified as to the Ice, and 
would be at all Times a ufeful Tender, and a proper Boat if neceflary 
to be left at the Labrador. What would give due Force to fuch Expe- 
ditions, would be the Commodore of the Man of War being fo near, 
under whofe Eye the Whole would be done, who would direft their fit- 
ting out, receive their Report on their return, order a Review if necef- 
faiy, and be the Occafion of that due Subordination and Obedience both 
of Officers and Men, which it is often very difficult to effeft on fuch 
Voyages. Merit will then be diftinguiflied, and the Credulity of the 
Perfons at home will not be impofed on, and no Difcouragement of thoie 
who diftinguilh themfelves in the Execution of fuch laudable Attempts. 
Such a Paflage being difcovered, and the Sea entered to Wefcv/ard of 
Tludfon's Bay, the Manner of proceeding afterwards muft be left to fu- 
perior Judgment. 


A N 


Of Part of the Cbaft and Inland Part of 



An EXTRACT from a Journal of a Voyage made 
from Philadelphia in 1753. 

'TPHE Coaft of Labrador to Northward of the Latitude of 57 Deg. 30 
Min. is reprefented by Captain Benjamin Gillam (an Extradt of 
whofe Journal the Author had) as a perilous Coaft, and without any In- 
lets ; therefore the Defign was to fall in with the Land to Southward of 
that Latitude, which was attempted Auguji the 2d ; a thick Fog, but 
expefted when more in with the Land to have clear Weather. They 
faw Ice at times the whole Day, and in the Evening found themfelves 
imbayed in a Body of Ice, and plainly perceiving Points of Rocks 
amongft the Ice, ftood out again during the whole Night for a clear Ses, 
which they fortunately obtained the next Morning. 

It was then propofed to ftand yet more Soutliward, to make the Land 
in Latitude ^6", and fearch the Inlet of Davis. From the 3d to the gth 
had various Weather, the Air temperate. Calms and light Winds, thick 
Fogs for 'fome Days, the latter Part of the Time haizey, with Rain, 
which was fucceeded the loth oi Auguji with a hard Gale of Wind that 

S 2 moderated 

( '32 ) 

moderated on the i ith, and clear Weather : Saw Rockweed, fome Kelp, 
Land Birds, a Number of large Iflands of Ice, but no flat Ice ; con- 
cluded in the Afternoon that they faw the Looming of the Land in Lat. 
^6 Deg. 2 Min. Long. 56 Deg. 42 Min. at Eight at Night had Sound- 
ings 93 Fathom, at Ten at Night 80 Fathom. 

Atiguft the 1 2th, fine pleafant Weather ; at Eight o'clock had 40 Fa- 
thom Soundings, and at Ten made the Land, bearing W. by S. ten 
Leagues. Many Iflands of Ice, but the Wind contrary for Davis^s 
Inlet, flood towards another Opening which promifed a good Har- 
bour i but not being able to attain it before Night, flood on and off un- 
til the next Morning, fine pleafant Weather ; and ^uguji the 13th, by 
Four in the Morning, were in with the Land. A Whale-boat, with pro- 
per Hands, was fent to found a-head, and find a Harbour. Soon after 
a Cry was heard from an Ifland to Northward ; there appeared to be 
five Perfons. Some Rings, Knives, ScifTors, and Iron Hoop, being taken 
by the People into the Boat, after rowing about a League they entered 
into a fmall Harbour, near the Place where the five Perfons were firfl 
Icen, but who had retired. Entering the Harbour they faw Shallops 
built after the Newfoundland Manner, at Anchor, with Buoys and Ca- 
bles, a Maft, a fquare Yaird athwart, with a Sail bent, a Tilt made of 
Seal Skins abaft. Thefe Boats were tarred, that Summer's Work. Upon 
t!,e Sight of thefc Boats a Doubt arofe whether they were Indians whom 
they had icen, or fome unfortunate Shipwrecked People. 

When the Boat got further into the Harbour two EJkemaux Indians 
came off, the one a Man in Years, the other a yoting Man. The elder 
Man liad a imall black Beard. Tlie elder Man being prefented with a 
Ring, immediately put it on liis Finger-, the young Man did the fame 
when one was prefented him. Both declined accepting Pieces of Iron 
FIoop, a very agreeable Prefcnt to the EJkemaux on the Weflern Side 
Ilv.djcpS Bay. They knew vvhat Fire-arms were, which they faw in the 
Boat : Alio aflced for fome Pork, which they faw, and had been taken 
into the Boat for Fear the Schooner and the Boat ihould be feparated ; 
and, on the Boatfmen not having a Knife immediately ready, they pro- 
duced a Knife a])iece ; and the elder Man ufed the Word Cap t aim in 
his Addrefs ; had a Complailance in his Behaviour. From thefe Cir- 


( 133- ) 

cumftances it was plain they carried on a Trade with the French ; tho' 
the latefl: French Authors reprefented them as a favage People, who would 
never have any Commerce with them. And a Motive for this' Under- 
taking was from an Opinion, that no Trade had been carried on in thefe 
Parts, either by Europeans or Americans, the printed Accounts and com- 
mon Report both agreed in this. It was apparent to whom thefe Boats 
belonged ; and there were more than twenty EJkemauy: alhore, of va- 
rious Sexes and Ages, who kept fhaking of old Cloaths for Sale ; and 
the elder Man prelTed the People in the Boat very much to come afhore, 
alfo to bring the Schooner to an Anchor, which was {landing on and 
off-, but as the Day advanced, the Situation the Schooner was in, being 
many fmall IQands about, and a fine Opening which promifed a good 
Harbour in the main Land, they declined the Invitation ; and there was 
an Efiemaux ready with a large Coil of Whalebone, feemingly for the 
Boat to warp in to a fmall Cove and make fall with. Thefe Civilities 
were aclcnowledged by a Prefent being feht to thofe afhore, and aftef 
fliewing where they intended for, the Boat returned aboard the Schooner. 

The People on board the Schooner, as they advanced towards the 
Inlet where they expefted a Harbour, hoifted their Enfign, which was 
very large, and fired two Swivels byway of Salute ; foon after t\i^Ejie- 
mauxs difpiayed on the Rocks a large white Enfign, on a high Pole ; 
and when there was Occafion to lower the Schooner's Colours, the EJie- 
mauxs lowered theirs -, the Schooner's Colours being again hoifted, they 
hoifted theirs ; but a Squal of Sleet and Rain came on, which prevented 
their having a further Sight of eacli other. At Six in the Evening the 
Schooner was anchored in a convenient Harbour, a level Shore, with 
high rocky Land, bare in Spots, the odier Parts covered with a good 
Plerbage and large Groves of Trees, Firs, Spruce, and Pine. An Even- 
ing Gun was fired to give the Natives Notice where the Schooner was, 
and alfo a good Watch vvas fet. 

Augufi the ! 4th, at Day, they fired a Swivel aboard the Schooner, 
and difpiayed their Colours as a Signal for Trade; and a Party went 
afhore to aicend the Helghths. The largeft Trees did not exceed ten 
Inches Diameter, and fifjty Feet in Heighth -, many Runs of excellent 
Water, Ponds in level Spots j the Country had an agreeable AfpccT:, a 


( 134 ) 

plentiful Herbage, the Flowers were now blown, the Berries not ripened, 
and the Angelica, of w'hich there was great Qiiantity, not feeded. They 
had a very laborious Walk before they attained the defired Summit ; 
the Mufquetoes very troublefome. Being on an extraordinary Eminence 
they faw the North and South Point of the main Land, or tv/o Capes 
which form a Bay, the Northermoft was computed to be fomething to 
the Northward of Latitude s^-> ^"^l ^^"-^ Southermoft in Latitude c,^. 
The Shore hig-h and bold, to Northward a Number of Reefs of Rocks 
lying out a great Way into the Sea, in the Southern Part cf the Bay 
many Idands and two Inlets. Gixty Iflands of Ice of large Dimenfions 
in Sight. In the afcending this Heighth, faw many Moole Deer Paths, 
Trads of other Animals ; and in the Ponds Trouts of about ten Inches 
in Leno-th. On the Shores few Fowl but Ducks, and a Plenty of Mufcles. 
The Weather very warm and pleafant. Tlie Scliocner's People found a 
Barrel, a Ho"-fhead Stave, and a Piece of hewed Wood, on which it was 
conjeftured that this wag no unfrequented Harbour. 

The next Morning, the 15th oi Auguji, the Boat was fent to carry 
two Perfons to the Head of the Harbour, that they might travel to a 
Mountain about ten Miles off, to take a View of the inland Part of the 
Country. When the Boat returned, the People brought Word they had 
feen the Ruins of a Timber lloufe. The Boat was again manned to go 
and take a Survey of it ■, and it appeared to have been a Houfe built 
for ibme Perfons to winter in, of Logs joined together, part ftanding, 
with a Chimney of Brick and Stone entire. The Houfe confifted of 
three Rooms, a Log Tent near, and a Pit dug in which they feemed to 
have buried their Beer. The Ground cleared at a Diftance round : The 
Woods burnt, feveral Hogflieads and Barrels, and feemingly a great 
V\' afle of Bifcuit, Pork, Salt Fifli, and other Provifions, which feemed 
as if thofe v.-ho had been here had retired with great Precipitation ; 
neither had been long gone, as there were frefli Feet Marks on the 
Strand, and feme Trees lately hewn. The Marks on the CaHc fliewed 
that the People v/ere from Londcn ; and it was fuppofed that as the Efie- 
maux had not cojne to trade, tliere had been a Fray between the EJke- 
ma)ix and thefe People •, and wlien they confidered the conipleat Man- 
ner in which the B^ats were equipped and rigged, doubted whether the 
Ejkeinaux had not overpowered them, and liad fome of the People with 


( 135 ) 

them. The great Earneftnefs with which the elder of tlie EJkemaux 
made Signs for the People in the Boat to go afhore, feemed to be with 
a particular Defign : Therefore it was thought prudent to be very care- 
ful in the Watch at Night, to ftrike the Bell every half Hour, to keep 
a cor.tinual Walk on Deck, and call All is well, that the EJkemaux 
might hear, if they Ihould intend a Surprize, that the People aboard 
were on their Guard. 

The Morning of the 1 6th they run up to the Head of the Harbour 
with thx Schooner, to Wood and Water, there being Plenty of Wood 
ready cut, and a Place conveniently dammed up to confine a fine Stream 
of excellent Water which came from the Heighths. There was then 
found feveral Pieces of printed Books, in German and Englijh, the Eng- 
hflj Moravian Hymns. Peas, Beans, Turnips, and Radilhes planted, 
which feemed as if they would come to no great Perfeftion, and judged 
to have been fowed about three Weeks. The wooding and watering was 
finifiied by Ten at Night, but with no fmall Trouble on Account of the 
Mufquetoes, though great Smoaks made to keep them off. 

The two Perfons who had been fent to view the inland Country re- 
turned in the Morning, after having fpent a rainy Night in the Woods ; 
gave an Account that they had been forced to go round feveral fmall 
Lakes, which made the Way longer than expedled ; and the Mountain 
was very fteep and rugged : Saw feveral large Spots of excellent Mea- 
dow : The Timber much the fame as that on the Shores of the Har- 
bour : That they faw two Inlets to Northward, extending a great Way 
into the Land : That it was only the Branch of an Inlet that the Veflel 
was at Anchor in \ but they faw the Termination of the Inlet to be in 
large Ponds. 

The 17th oi Augujl the Schooner was to return to her firft Anchorage, 
with an Intention to fearch the Inlets to Northward ; but the Wind 
proved contrary, and a hard Gale, though the Weather pleafant. The 
18th theWmd moderated, and the Schooner returned to her 
Anchorage s ^"t ^he Wind did not ferve to quit the Harbour until the 
iQth in the Afternoon ; the Interval cf Time had been filled up in brev/- 
\x\^ Spruce Beer, and doing other aeceirary Work with refpeft to the 



( ^3^ ) 

Sails and Rigging. At Six in the Evening was clofe in with the Ifland, 
where they had icen the EJiemaux, but now gone. It was not until the 
2 1 ft, by rcaiba of Cairns and Currents, that they attained to the Inlet 
to Northward. Thoie who had been fen c out with tlie Boat to found 
a-head, had feen on the Shore an EJkemaux Encampment, from, which 
they were but very lately retired, and brought fi-om tlience a Piece of a 
Jawbone of a Spermaceti Whale, which v/as cut with a Haichct. It was 
plain from that the EJkemaux were fupplied with Iron Tools : They alfo 
found a Piece of an Earthen Jar. They judged there had been about 
eleven Tents. 

The 2 2d oi Av.guft, in the Morning, the Ship's Company catched 
fome Cod i they were but fmall, but fine full Filh. The Whiilcboat 
was lent up with fome Hands, to found and find a Kiirbour: 7\.nd three 
Perfons went on Shore to a nigh Summit, about foux Miles off, to view 
•the Country : Saw in their Way many Tradts of Deer, a deep Soil, good 
Grafs, and met with feveral large level Spots, with Ponds of Water ; 
thick Groves of Timber, and a plentiful Herbage. The Country, from 
this Summit, appeared to confift of Ridges and Mour tains ; an:] as the 
Weather changed from fine and pleafant, to thick and hazey, they faw" 
the Clouds fettle on feveral Ridges of the Mountain, near them, as alfo 
on the Heighth where they were, and under them. And when t!i=y re- 
turned the People on board faid they had had fome i'mart Showers of 
Rain, which thofe who had been on the Heighth v/ere not fenfible of. 

In the Afternoon they proceeded wii. i the Schooner to a fijrbour 
which thofe who had been fent out with the Whalcboat had dilcovered, 
an extraordinary fine Harbour •, and it may be here obferved in general, 
that moft of the Harbours are very fine ones. There are many of them, 
and not far the one from the other. 

There were on the Shore, in many Places, the Remainder oi EJkemaux 
Encampments, but fome Time fince they had been there. Timbers of 
Boats, on the Shores, which were much decayed, had laid long in the 
Weather ; in the Carpenter's Opinion the Boats they had belonged to 
muft have been built fifteen or twenty Years, feemed to be the Timbers 
of fuch Boats as had been feen with the EJkemaux. 


( ^^7 ) 

The fucceeding Day there was fuch Weather as they could not pro- 
ceed ; the Day after, the 25th, run up the Inlet about eight Leagues 
from the Harbour, which was about eighteen Leagues from the Entrance 
of the Inlet. As they proceeded they found the Country more level, 
thick Woods, intermixed with Birch Trees, and both Shores afforded a 
pleafant Verdure. They could not proceed further v/ith the Schooner, 
by Reafon of Falls ; which, being furveyed the next Day, might be 
paffed with the Schooner, but with fome Difficulty. Therefore early in 
the Morning of the 27th, at a proper Time of Tide, when the Falls 
were level, a Party went in a Whaleboat, with a fin all Boat in tow 
loaded with Provifions, Bedding, and a Sail for a Tent, to explore the 
Head of the Inlet. The furtheft they could get vvrith the Boat was about 
five Leagues, being intercepted by impafiable Falls, about 300 Feet in 
Length, and forty Feet their perpendicular Height, though of gradual 
Defcent. The Fall Rocks, but the Bank of the Northern Shore, which was 
fteep, was a Kind of Marl, without any Mixture of Stone ; and no frozen 
Earth here, or in any other Part, ufual in Hudjo7i's Bay, as was proved by 
repeated Experiments : Therefore it may be concluded that this is a 
more temperate Climate in Winter than in any Part about HudfotCs, Bay, 
in the fame or lower Latitudes. 

From the firft Falls to the fecond there were large Levels along Shore, 
the Mountains at a confiderable Diftance within Land, efpecially thofe 
on the North Side. The Mountains and Shores thick cloathed with 
Pine, Spruce, Birch, and Alder, much larger and of better Growth 
than thofe Trees nearer the Sea Coaft ; fome Pines m.eafured twenty-five 
Inches in Diameter. In a Pond, on the North Shore, faw two Beaver 
Houfes, and there were Plenty of Beaver Marks, as Dams, Trees barked 
and felled by them. The Water was frefn betvAcen the firft and fecond 
Falls. Poles of Indian Tents in many Places along Shore, Lodo-ments 
only for fingle Families, tied together with Strips of Deer Skin, and 
no Encampments after the Ejlemaux Manner, fliewed that a different In- 
dians from the Eficmaux reforted into this Part. The v/hole Country 
had a pleafant Appearance; but as they came near to the upper Falls, 
the Verdure of the Woods, barren Points of Rocks that exalted them- 
felves, terminating the View, the Difpofition of the Woods which had 
all the Pvcgularity of Art, joined to the Freedom of Nature, the Gloom 

T of 

( 138 ) 

of the Evening, the (low fleady Courfe of the Water, and the Echoes of 
the rumbUng Fall, afforded fuch a Scene as affefted even thofe that 
rov, cd ; and they faid, it was the pleafanteft Place they had ever feen. 
On a level Point, beavitifully green, fituated at a fmall Diftance from 
an Opening in the Woods, and in full View of and Hearing of the Falls, 
there v/ere the Poles of an Indian Tent, which, from the Aflies fcarce 
cold, a Breaft-bone of a wild Goofe, with fome little Meat on it that had 
been broiled. Pieces of Birch Bark left, feemed to have been not long 
deferted, and the Situation v/as fuch as exprefled the late Inhabitants 
to have the fofteft Senfations. In coming up the Inlet they had found 
where there had been a fmall Fire made, as fuppofed, to drels Viduals, 
but put otit or covered with Turf, a ufual Praftice amongft Southern 
Indians to conceal the Smoke, when they fuppofe the Enemy is near. 
The Boats v/ere fecurely harboured, a Tent eredted, with a good Fire 
before it, and the People relied fecurely all Night. 

The next Day, Anguft the 28th, two Perfons were detached to a Sum- 
mit, in Appearance about twelve Miles off", others went and hung Strings 
of Beads, Combs, Knives, and other Peltry, on the Trees, fome at a 
Mile, and others at a further Diftance, from where they kept their 
Camp all Day, to invite the Indians to a Converfe with them ; but no 
Indians were feen, nor any Thing meddled with. Thofe who had walked 
to take the View from the Summit, faw the Water above the Falls ex- 
tend a great Diftance into the Country, but not the Termination of it,, 
paffing through Meadow Lands of large Dimenfions, and by the Foot of 
fmall riffng Land, they faw a large high Ridge of blue Mountains at a 
great Diftance, running North and South, which was fuppofed to be the 
Bounds of the new difcovered Sea in Hudfon's Bay : Saw feveral other 
Ridges of Land, but feemingly more level than thofe to Seaward ; paflTed 
over in travelling feveral Spots of excellent Soil, the Timber of good 
Size and Growth. There was a great Plenty of Grafs and Herbage ; 
walked a great Way in an Indian Path, and faw feveral marked Trees, 
as is pracT;iled amongft the Southern Indians. They returned in the 
Evening, mucli fatigued with the Heat of the Sun, and fwelled with 
the Bites of Mufquctocs, and a fmall black Fly, like thofe in England 
called a Midge. Thofe that fcaid at the Encampment were alfo much 
plagued with theie In feci:?. 


( 139 ) . 

Tile Latitude of the upper Falls was 54 Deg. 48 Min. near t!ie ima- 
ginary Line that bounded the Englijh and French Limits in thefe Parts ; 
and it being fuppofed that the two Inlets, feen from the Height above 
the Harbour where they firft anchored, would terminate in the French 
Limits ; they therefore had declined making any Search there, and pro- 
ceeded to fearch the Inlet to Northward. 

The next Morning they fet out to return to the Schooner, with a. 
Defign to fearch the other Inlet to Northward, feen from the Mountain 
at the Back of the firft Harbour, but not ken fince by Reafon of a 
high Ridge of Mountains, as it was fuppofed, that covered it. In the 
Night there had been a fliarp Froft, and early in the Morning a thick 
Fog. About Ten in the Morning they were returned to the Schooner. 
Several of the People, contrary to the written Inftrudtions which were 
left, had rambled from the Veflel, got on the Heights, rolled down the 
Indian Marks, which are Stones that they put up one on another on 
the Knolls and Summits of Hills, to direft them in their journeying ; a 
Proceeding which was highly diflatisfaftory to the Commander, confi- 
dering the Difpofition which it was found the Natives were in, and 
vv^hom, with the greateft Induftry, they could not get a Sight of. The 
People had fhot fome few Fowl, which were plcnticr in this Inlet than 
any where that they had feen, but very fhy a/id wild. They failed that 
Afternoon to the Harbour which they were at when they firft entered 
this Inlet. 

Aiigufi the 29th they failed out of this Inlet to go to the Northward, 
keeping within a Ledge of Iflands, as they might pafs no Part of the 
Coaft unfearched. Met with fome Difficulties amongft the Shoals and 
Rocks ; but about Four in the Afternoon were clear of all, and plyed to 
Windward to enter the third or more Northern Inlet, which they had 
now open. Saw at the Head of a pretty deep Cove, on the South Side 
in that Inlet, a ftrong Smoke arife, and that immediately anfwered by a 
lefler Smoke on the Northern Side of the Inlet. The Smoke on the 
Northern Side the Inlet continued towering and frefltening •, on feting 
which they immediately fteered for the Cove, fuppofing the Smoke 
to be made by the Natives as a Signal for Trade ; but were delayed en- 
tering by the Tide of Ebb. At Sunfet were furprifed with a Squall of 

T 2 Wind, 

( HO ) 

Wind, which came on in a Moment, and the Schooner in extreme Dan- 
ger of being afhore on the Rocks. A hard Gale fucceeded, but they 
fortunately attained a Harbour, which had been before difcovered by the 
Boat, and rode fecure. 

The 31ft of j^!ig!ifl, the Weather being moderate, two Perfons went 
over the Heights to the Head of the Cove, in Purfuit of the Natives ; 
and three Perfons went in a Boat to the Head of the Cove, with fome 
trading Goods, and to pafs the two who walked, over the Water if it 
ran up into the Country, and the Natives fhould be on the oppofite 
Shore •, but after rowing up about two Leagues they found a Termina- 
tion of the Water, landed and afcended tlie Heights, where they found 
a very large Plain, without Ponds, and a fine Soil, which they pafied 
over and defcended into a Valley, thick Groves, good Grafs, and large 
Ponds. Here they met with a Bear ; which one of the People firing too 
precipitately mified. Several Bears had been feen before, fome Foxes, 
many Trads of Wolves, both on the Shores and Inland, and in one 
Place Otter Paths. 

Three of the People were lent to return with the Boat aboard, and 
two fet out to go up a Mountain which promifed a good Sight of the 
Country, and feemed pofTible that they might attain to the Summit of 
it, and return to the Schooner that Night ; but were deceived by the 
Height of the Mountain as to the Diftance they were from it. In the 
Afcent they found great Declivities and Hollows in the Sides of the 
Mountain, the Rocks rent in a moft furprifing Manner, having Rents or 
FilTures in them, from thirty to fevenry Feet in Depth ; fome tremendous 
to look down, and not above two or three Feet in Breadth. The Dogs 
that were with them would not, after looking down, jump over them, 
but howled and took a Sweep round. In the Levels and Hollows on 
the Side there lay great Heaps of fallen Rock. Some Stones or folid 
Pieces of ten or fifteen Tons Weight, befides innumerable lefler Pieces. 
And found a Patch of Snow in one of the HoUov/s, about forty Feet in- 
Breadth, and fotirteen Feet in perpendicular Fleight, frozen folid, and 
feemed of the fame Confiftence with the Iflands of Ice. The Perfons, 
thouo-h conftantly labouring, did not attain to the Top of the Moun- 
tain until about Half an Hour before Sunfet, where they found a thin 


( 141 ) 

Air, and a frefh fharp cold Wind ; though below, and in their Afcent, 
they had experienced pleafant warm Weather, and little Wind. From 
the Mountain they perceived a Smoke, about ten Miles off more inland, 
the ufual Pradice of the Indians in the Evenings, when thev form 
their Camps, to make a Fire to drefs their Provifions, and to be by all 
Night ; and it was then fufpeded that they were flying more inland, 
and that the Smokes ieen tlie Night before v/ere Signals from one Party 
to another to retire on feeing the Schooner, fuppofing us Enemies. It 
was too late that Night to return to the Head of the Cove, therefore en- 
camped that Night on the Side of the Mountain in the Woods, near to 
a level Spot without the leaft Unevennefs of above fix Hundred Feet in 
Breadth, and three Hundred over, exadly refembling a Pavement with- 
out any FiiTure or Opening in it. The next Day got to the Head of the 
Cove, near twelve Miles from the Mountain; on a Signal made the 
Boat fetched them aboard, v;here the People expreffed in their Counte- 
nances a univerfal Joy at feeing their Commander fafe returned, which 
was a great Satisfaflion to him, as it was an Inftance more fincerely ex- 
prefTed than by formal Words addrefled to him, that they looked on 
their Security to depend on his Prefervation. The Wind was contrary 
to their getting out of the Harbour that Afternoon ; but the Boats were 
employed in feeking the beft Channel for the Schooner to go out at. 

The MorniHg of September the 2d, the Wind proved favourable, and 
that Evening they got a good Way up the third Inlet. Wlien they were 
fome Way up the Inlet, they difcovered a Smol<.e upon an Ifland at the 
Entrance of the Inlet, and, when at Anchor, a Smoke alfo on the North 
Shore. Therefore by Day-light, September the 3d, the Time when 
Smokes are moft difcernable and looked out for by the Indians^ a Perfon 
was fent to fire the Brufli on an Eminence alliore, to anfwer that Smoke 
feen on the North Shore the Night before. Then the Schooner pro- 
ceeded up the Inlet, and by Ten o'CIock was come to \.\\i Extremity of 
it, which terminated in a Bay of very deep Water, furrounded by very 
fteep Mountains, with Groves of Trees on them ; but they found a g-ood 
Anchorage in a Cove, and an excellent Flarbotir. The Heights being 
afcended, it v/as perceived there was a narrow Streight out of this Inlet, 
which communicated with Ponds. And that there was a fourth Inlectq 


( 142 ) 

Nortliwartl, nncl wliicli extended further to Weftward than the Inlet which 
t!;e Vefiel was now in, r.nd about four Miles off, beyond the Hills there 
appeared a towering Smoke, upon the Sight of which "the Perfons who 
went to take the View returned aboard to get fome Provifions, and a 
Parcel of trading Goods, and fct out again with an Intention to feek 
the Natives, and fpend the Night amongft them. The Boat put them 
idnore where it was thought moft convenient and neareft Place to the 
Smoke, but it proved otherwife ; for after travelling about three Miles 
they fell in with a Chain of Ponds, which they were forced to go round, 
ilot fultry Weather, the Woods thick, without the leaft Breath of Wind, 
infinite Nunibcr of Mufquetoes and Midges. But by being thus to go 
round tb.e Ponds, had the Satisfatlion of. feeing feveral Beavers Dams 
made to keep out the Tide Waters. They faw a Continuance of the 
Smoke, and fliaped a Courfe for it ; but when on the Heights perceived 
that the Smoke was on an Ifland about two Miles off the Shore in the 
fourth Inlet, therefore returned to the Veffel that Night. 

The 4th of September, in the Morning, they towed out of the Harbour 
■ they were in, the Wind foon after fprung up, and by Night they go 
out of the Inlet, and anchored amongft fome Iflands, juft at the En- 
trance of the fourth Inlet. 

The next Morning, September the 5th, entered the fourth Inlet ; but 
being becalmed a fmall Time catched above fifty Cod, much fuch as 
they had before taken. By Twelve o'Clock were abreaft of the Ifland 
where they they had feen the Smoke on the 3d, and which was four 
Leagues from the Entrance : Could perceive no Natives, but feveral 
Fires, and that there had been a great burning of the BruHi •, foon after 
faw a Snow lying at an Anchor, which hoifted Englip Colours, and fired 
a Gun. They hoifted the Colours aboard the Schooner, fired a Swivel, 
and bore away for the Snow. The Wind was frefh, and, as the Schooner 
was entering the Harbour, two People came running over the Rocks, 
hailed, but it could not be well underftood what they faid ; but it was 
a friendly Precaution as to fome Rocks which lay off there. The Snow's 
People then took to their Boat, and made a Trip to view the Schooner 
as ilie was coming to an Anchor, and then returned aboard. A Whale- 

( 143 ) 

boat was hoiiled out, and a Perfon fent in it to go aboard the Snow, 
and Icnow where flie was from, and to let the Captain know they would 
be glad to fee him aboard the Schooner. 

The Perfon fent, and Capt. Elijah Goff the Commander of the Snow, 
returned aboard in a fhort Time ; and the Particulars of what the Cap- 
tain related were, That the Snow was fitted out by Mr. Nejbit, a Mer- 
chant in London : That he, the prefent Captain, had been the Year be- 
fore Mate of the fame VefTel on this Coaft : That fhe was then fitted 
out by Bell, Nejbit and Company ; the intended Voyage kept a great Se- 
cret. They had, the Year before as a Captain, a Dane who had ufed 
the Greenland Trade, and could talk the E/I:emaux Language. That the 
Snow had been at Newfoundland, and afterwards came on the Labrador 
Coaft ; but being Strangers to the Coaft, and the Captain very obfcinate, 
the Veflel was feveral Times in Danger, which raifed a Mutiny amongft 
the People, who had formed a Refolution of feizing the Ship, and bear- 
ing away for Newfoundland ; which Mutiny was appeafed, and the Peo- 
ple confented to go to the Labrador, where they harboured July the 
20th, in the fame Harbour which the Schooner firft entered this Year. 
They brought with them four of the Unit as Fratrum, or Moravian Bre- 
thren, who were to remain during the Winter, to attain an Acquain- 
tance with the Natives, and lay a Foundation of Trade : That the Houfe, 
the Ruins of which the Difcoverer faw, was built for the Refidence of 
thefe Brethren ; and, being cornpleated by the Beginning of September, 
the Snow left them in PofTeffion of it, and fet out to make Difcoveries, 
and purfue a Trade to Northward : That they had ibme Trade in Nefiit's 
Harbour, the Name they had given to the Plarbour where the Houfe 
was, and alfo on the Coaft before they arrived at the Harbour : That 
when they went to Northward ; in about Lat. ^^° 40' off the lilandy, 
amongft which the Schooner had harboured the preceding Night, fome 
EJkemaux came aboard, and told the Dane Captain there were fome tra- 
ding Boats come from the Northward, with Plenty of Trade, and ad- 
vifed the Captain to come where they were. The Captain allied, Wliy 
they v/ould not come along Side .-' The Efkemaux faid. It v/as dangerous 
on Account-of the Surt". The Captain and fix others went in the Ship's 
Boat, with a Quantity of Goods to trade, but had no Fire Arms with 
them, though advifed to take them ; but the Captain faid. No, they 
7 were 

( 144 ) 

.were veiy honeft Fellov/s. Captain Goff fav/ the Boat go round art 
Ifland, upon which there was a Number of Natives ; but the Ifland hin- 
dered him f"rom having any further Sight of the Boat. After the Boat 
had been gone about an Hour, he faw one or two of the EJJ:cmai>x with 
his Glafs peep over the Flocks ; but never after faw any more of the 
Boat, the Snow's People, or the Efienw.ux. That the S now lay at a 
League Diftance fi-om the Ifland; he had no other Boat, one being left 
v/ith the Moravian Brethren. Capt. Goff waited three Days, and then 
returned with the Snow to the Harbour where the Houfe was. The Snow 
being ihort of Hand;, he took the 7kf(?r«w«« Brethren aboard, leaving a 
Qiiantity of Provifions fufficient to fubfift the unhappy People who 
were miffing fliould they come there, until his Return. They put the 
Key of the Houfe and a l,etter in a Hole of a Tree -, but on his Re- 
turn this Year found the Houfe in Ruins, the Cafks and Hogflieads 
broke to Pieces, and the Key and Letter gone. That what was fowed 
there v,-as by Way of Experiment. 

Capt. Gc_^ judged that the £/av;3^«.x' traded with th^ French, as their 
Fifligiggs, Knives, and Boats, v/ere French ; and the F^Jkemaux told them 
there was a Settlement of twenty Eiircpecns to Southward, winch they 
fuppofed to be fomewliere to Southward of Lat. 55, the Latitude of the 
Cape they had named Cape Harrifon, wliich is the Southermoft Cape 
that forms tlie Bay in wliich is Ne/bit's Harbour, and the high Saddle- 
back Land within, which is firft feen off at Sea they named Si. John's. 
He faid that one of the Efiematix offered a Qiiantity of Whalebone for 
a Cutlafs, which they are very fond of; the Danifo Captain infifted on 
having more, the EJIzemaux anfwercd. If he would not take it that Capt. 
Saleroo would ; alluding, as fuppofed, to the Captain or Fa6lor at the 
i'VfKf^ Settleir.ent. The Boats the Ejhmaux had were : They 
fpoke many French Words. And the Women worked the Boats, turned 
them to Windward, and were very expert in the Management of them. 

The Account given by the Mafter who went in the Schooners Boat 
to fifh for Cod (Capt. Goff not having yet got any) to the People in 
the Boat was. That Mr. Nefiit was only, in this Cafe, an Agent or Fac- 
tor for the Moravian Brethren, who aimed at a Settlement in thefe Parts, 
and to attain a Proprietv bv a prior Pofiefllon, bur that no Propriety 

2 would 

( M5 ) 

would be allowed of by our Government : Tint Petitions had been 
flung into the Board of Trade for Patents for the Labrador^ but were 
rejected, and a free Trade would be permitted to all the Subjeds of 
Great Britain ; which open Trade was the original Defign on v/liich this 
Difcovery was undertaken by the People in Araerica; the Execution of 
which was not only interrupted by private Perfons dealing the Scheme, 
and being before hand, but hath been a great Hindrance to the Fiflieries 
being carried on in thofe Parts, a Trade eftabhlhed with the inland In- 
dians and the Efieinattx, and fiHther Advantages which will be known, 
on our being better acquainted with thofe Parts. For as to this Seve- 
rity of the Ejlemaux, inexcufably barbarous, yet there were fome Provo- 
cations which might have been avoided, and which incited thofe EJks- 
fiiaux to this A6t, whofe Hatred and Revenge, the Charafter of moil 
Indians, are rouzed at tiie flighteft Caufes. It appears from a Journal of 
of the Boatfwain, wherein he makes a Valuation of the Trade, that they 
had bought a Hundred Weight of Whalebone for Six-pence. The Ejjl:e ■ 
maux were alfo treated with great Contempt and Rudenefs. A Perfon 
aboard had bought a Pair of EJkemaux^oox.% ; and carrying them into his 
Cabbin, an EJkemaux followed claiming the Boots as his, faying that he 
who fold them had no Right to fell them -, and the Buyer fettled the 
Matter by prefenting a Piftol at his Head. On which the EJkemaux cried 
out in the French, Tout, Comerado, and retired. 

Capt. Goff came this Year in Plopes to recover the People who were 
miffing with the Boat, and to make a further Effay as to the Trade, 
but brought no Settlers with him, intended immediately for the Coaft, 
which he could not attain to on Account of the Ice, and went to Tri- 
nity Bay in Newfoundland, where he ftaid fome Time. Sailed from thence 
the 27th oi June ; the 2d oi July faw French Ships in the Streights of 
Belle IJle, retarded by the Ice ; and the 9th of July joined Capt. Taylor 
in a Sloop of about 35 Tons, fitted out from Rhode IJland to go in Pur- 
fuit of a North-weft Pajage ; and if not fuccefsful to come down oh 
the Coaft of Labrador. Capt. Goff faid he had learned by Capt. Taylor 
that the Philadelphia Schooner would be out, and he fliould have fuf- 
peded this to be her, but flie entered the Inlet fo readily, and came up 

U with 

( h6 ) 

with that Boldnefo as could not but think that the Schooner v/as a French 
Veflel acquainted v/ith the Coaft •, and he liad received Orders to avoid 
any Harbour in v/hich a French Ship fhould appear ._ Capt. Toylor had 
feen z\-ax^z French Sloop in Latitude 53, and to the Northward three 
hundred EJkemaux^- vvho had nothing to trade but their old Cloaths, 
and who were going further to Northward, but were hindered by the^ 
Ice, Cajyt: G off and "Taylor, who had entered into an Agreement to 
aflbciate, v.-ere eight Days grappled to the Ice, and did not arrive at 
Nejbith Harbour until the 20th of July. But had traded with fome of 
the Efiemaux before, though for fmall Matters, and had fome of thefe 
EJkemaux aboard for three fucceffive Days, who then left them, and 
came no more aboard dieVefiels. Capt. Go/" fiifpefted, though he had. 
altered his Drefs, that they had then recollefted him. The ift 0I Au~ 
gujl they failed from Nejbifs. Harbour, and attained to this Inlet where 
he now was ; and on the nth failed to the Northward, when Capt. 
Taylor left him -, and on the 25th returned here again. That the Smoke 
which the Perfons faw on the Ifland when they travelled over Land, 
and which the Schooner pafled that Day, was made by his Order, but 
that he had not made any other Smoke, and this was for a DirecTiion for 
his Longboat, gone to the Northward to trade, and to fignify to Capt. 
Taylor his being in the Harbour, whofe Return he expedled. 

Capt. Goff faid he had been in no Inlet but Nejhii's Harbour, and in 
this where the Snow was •, and that Capt. Taylor, in the Snow's Long- 
boat, had fearched the Head of this Inlet, fliewed a Draught of the 
Coaft, which was defedive, as he knew nothing of the intermediate In- 
lets, Had no Account of the inland Country ; of there being any Bea- 
ver or other Furs to be acquired there ; or of there being any Mines, of 
which the Schooner's People had feen many Inflances, and had colleiSted 
fome Ore. Capt. Goff had two Dutch Draughts of the Coaft, made 
from late Surveys ; but they were very inaccurate, the Views taken 
from Sea, and there the Land appeared clofe and continued ; the Inlets, 
excepting that in which they now were, appearing like fmall Bays, 
their Entrance being covered by Iflands. They had, this Year, found 
the Corpfe of one of thofe who went in the Boat, ftripped and lying 
on en Illand, i 


( H7 ) 

It being rauiy Weather, and the Wind contrary to the Schooner's 
going up the Inlet, they were detained, and on September the 8th the 
Snow's Longboat returned, after having been out fourteen Days, with 
fome Whalebone, and a Qiiantity of EJkemaux Cloathing, which being 
examined to find out if the EJkemaux wore Furs, there was only feen a 
fmall Slip of Otter Skin on one of the Frocks. And Capt. Goff, being 
fllked, faid he never faw any Furs amongft them. It is pretty evident 
the EJkemaux only pafs along this Coaft, to go and trade with the EJJce- 
maux in Hudfon's Streights, and occafionally put in as Weather or other 
Occafions may make it neceffary, which keeps the Native or inland In- 
dians from the Coaft, as they are their Enemies. The EJkemaux go up 
to Latitude 58, or further North ; there leave their great Boats, pafs a 
fmall Neck of Land, taking their Canoes with them, and then go into 
another Water which communicates with Hudfon\ Streights. Carry 
their Return of Trade into EJkemaux Bay, where they live in Winter ; and 
the French made confiderable Returns to Old France^ by the Whalebone 
and Oil procured from thefe People. And this Account is agreeable to 
the beft Information that could be procured. 

While the Schooner's People were viewing the Cloaths, Word was 
brought that the EJkemaux were coming, who may be heard fhouting al- 
moft before that they can be difcerned, the Schooner's People repaired 
aboard. On the Colours aboard the Snow being hoifted, the Schooner's 
People difplayed theirs -, but the Snov/ being the neareft, and the Snow's 
People fo urged the EJkemaux to come along-fide them, that they were 
afraid to pafs. The EJkemaux had no large Boats with them, only their 
Canoes, three of which came afterwards along-fide the Schooner. It 
was perceived that none of the leading People v/ere in the Canoes -, they 
expofed no Marks or Shew of any Trade they had, which was ufual for 
them to lay on the Outfide their Canoes ; neverthelefs they were pre- 
fented with Rings. It was fome Time before they began .to trade with 
the Snow's People, and then it was carried on in a very peremptory 

The People in the Scliooner, a light Wind fpringing up, weighed An- 
chor, with a Defign to proceed up the Inlet, expefting to be followed 

U 2 by 

( hS ) 

by the Ejlcemaux, 's\\\tn they faw that they were not AfTociates with the 
Snow's People, lb to have a future Opportunity of trading with them. 
It was alfo confillcnt with the Defign they had of fearching this Inlet, 
the firfl; Opportunity that offered. They cook their Leave of Capt. Gojf 
as tliey palTed, and when advanced further beat their Drum. The 
Ejlemaux quitted the Snow and came after tlie Schooner. The Fire 
Arms were all primed and in order aboard the^chooner, but concealed -, 
each Man had his Station ; and they were ordered to treat the EJkemaux 
as IVIen, and to behave to them in an orderly Manner ; no hallooing, 
jumping, or wreftling with them. when they came aboard ; not to refufe 
fome of the EJkemanx to come aboard, and let others, as there were but 
. nine Canoes in all. 

As the Efkemaiix came along-fide the Schooner, they were prefented 
each with a Bifcuit, a Perfon (landing in the main Chains witli a Bafl<et 
of Bifcuit for that Purpofe. Then they aboard the Schooner fhewed' a 
Kettle, a Hatchet, and fome other Things, which feemed much to 
pleafe the EJkemaux. One of them attempting to get into the Schooner, 
two of the People helped him in : He was received civilly on the Quar- 
ter-deck ;• the trading Box fhewed him, a Spoon, a Knife, and a Comb 
with which he touched his Hair and feemed defirous of, were given him. 
"Other EJkemaiix were by this Time aboard. They were prefented with 
Filh-hooks, Imall Knives, Combs, and a King George"?, Shilling apiece, 
which they carefully put into their Sleeves. In the interim the EJkemaux 
who came firft aboard was gone to the Side, and called to another yet 
in the Canoe tinder the Title of Capitane. The EJkemaux fo called to im- 
mediately came aboard, faiuted the Commander with three Congees, 
.and kifTed each Cheek. He was prefented with a Spoon and a Knife, 
"Being ftiewn the Goods, appeared very defirous of a File, offering old 
Cloaths for it. But' the Commander fignified he would not trade for 
^Id Cloaths, hxix Shoeeock (which is Whalebone in their Language) or 
"Skins; and the latter he denoted to the Cafitame by a Piece of wiiite 
JBear Skin that the Cafitaine had brought in his Hand. The Capitahie 
cxprefled by his Adion that he had not either Bone or Skins : He was 
"then prefented with tfe File; was fhewed a Matchcoat, which he fur- 
veyed very accurately ; limned to the CommaRder if lie was not come 


( '49 ) 

round from the South-weft, meaning, as fuppofcd, from Rebeck or tfie 
"Gulph of St. Lawrence. Afterwards took the Commander under his 
Arm, and fliewed a Defire of going into the Cabbin, which was com- 
plied with. He pafled the Door firft, and fat down in as regular a 
•Manner as any European-, having firft accurately looked about him ; but 
-there were no Fire- Arms in Sight. Refufed Wine, drank Spruce Beer.! 
was fhewed a Sample of all the Kind of Goods, with which he feemed 
well pleafed; and it was fignified to him that there was Plenty of them. 
While in the Cabbin the other EJkemaux who were on Deck, called to 
their Capitaine, they were invited down. Three of the EJkemaux came,, 
but it was obfervable the Capitaine covered the Goods with a Wooller\ 
Cloth, which lay on the Table. They were preferred with Beef and 
Pudding, which they took, and returned on Deck. The EJkemaux Ca- 
pitaine put tlie Goods into the Box himfelf very honeftly, and feeming 
to admire a fmall Brafs-handled Penknife, it was prefented to him.. He 
then returned on Deck, pointed to the Sun, lowered his Hand sl little, 
then made a Sign of fleeping by fhutting his Eyes, and laying his Hand 
to his Cheek, and ftiewed with his Hand to have the Schooner to conie 
to an Anchor juft above. By which it was underftood that a little after 
that Time the next Day he would be there with Trade. The Schooner, 
being by this Time oppofite to a narrow P.aflageo or Streight formed by 
Iflands., through which the EJkemaux had come into this Inlet, the Cor^ 
pitaine ordered his People into their Canoes, and retired with a Congee 
himfelf, after repeating the Cjommander's Name, to fee if he had it 
right, and which he had been very induftrious to learn while be was in. 
the Cabbin. The Commander attended him to the Side;; and feeino- in 
his Canoe .a War-bow and Arrows, which are of a curious Conftrucftion,. 
preflcd him to let him have them, though the fame Thing as afkino- a 
Man to part with the Sword he wore. The Capitaine, by Signs, fhewed 
he could not part with it, ajid feemed to exprefs it with great Reluc- 
tance that he could not. This Circumftance, and their having no Wo- 
men with them, cauled the Schooner's People to think they looked 
.upon themfelves, when they fet out, as coming amongft their Enemies. 
The Drum was beat until they were out of Sight ; and the Capitaine^ 
juft before he loft Sight of the Schooner by being ftiut in by the Iflands.^ 
pointed to the Sun, and the anchoring Place. The ^Jkemam,. while 

( 150 ) 

aboard, behaved v.-ith great Decency and Silence i though at firft they 
began to jump and halloo, as they had done aboard the Snow ; but find- 
ino- the People of the Schooner not fo dilpofed, foon left off. 

Soon after the Schooner was anchored in an excellent Harbour, the . 
Snow's Boat came along-fide, with the firft Mate and Agent. They 
■were afked to mefs ', and it being enquired of them how far they had 
been with the Longboat in the laft Trip, faid to Latitude 57° 14 : 
Had feen no E/kemaux, but within a few Days, though they had been 
out fourteen Days. The Mate faid, that he had chafed a trading Boat, 
with two Ejkemam in it, who had endeavoured to avoid them, and 
dodged amongft the Iflands •, but he came up with them as though he 
had been a Privateer's Boat \ run bolt aboard them, and fo frightened 
the EJkemaux that they fell on their Knees, cried out. Tout Comer ado^ 
and they would have given him all they had. He faid they took out the 
Whalebone, which he brought aboard, about a Hundred and fifty 
Weight, and paid them for it as much as he faw the Captain give. He 
faw other EJkemaux at times alhore, where they Invited him, but would 
not venture ; and fired a Blunderbufs, charged with thirteen Bullets, 
over them, which caufed fome of them to fall down, others to bow. 
Som^EJkemaux came along-fide, and traded their Cloaths ; but with great 
Fear, crying out. Tout Comerado^ as he had four Men armed ftanding 
in the Bow of the Boat. Said that thofe EJkemaux had, who were juft 
gone from the Schooner, the Peoples Cloaths who had been trepanned 
the laft Year, particularly a brown Waiflcoat, which had had white But- 
tons on it, and a white Great-coat. The Great-coat meant was a French 
Matchcoat, which the EJkemaux Captain had on, made up in a Frock 
according to the Manner that they wear them. The fuppofed brown 
Jacket was a French brown Cloth, and there were two EJkemaux who 
had them. The Mate faid the Schooner's People had talked of fome 
Inlets -, but no Anfwer was made, on which he declared there .was no 
Inlet between Nejbifs Harbour and where they then were, nor any Inlet 
to Northward between that and Latitude 57° 14'. After making fome 
Enquiries, as to what the Schooner's People further intended, quitted, 
and made for the Streight the EJkemaux h^^ pafled through. 


( *5J ) 

This is mentioned as an Inftance of v/hat Caution fhould be ufc-d, 
as to the Choice of Perfons fent on Expeditions to explore unfrequented 
or unknown Parts, as the Adventurers may be Sufferers, and the Reafon: 
of their being fo a Secret, and thereon pronounce decifively no Advan- • 
tages are to be made, thus deprived of what might be greatly to their' 
private Emolument in Time under a proper Condudt, arrd to the Bene-" 
fit of the Publick. And there is a fiirther Misfortune attending an 
improper Choice, which every focial and generous Man will confider. 
That according to the Impreffions that Indims receive on the firft Ac- 
quaintance, a lafting Friendfhip may be expecfled, or an Enmity and 
Jealoufy very difficult to remove, who, in the interim, will execute their 
Revenge •, not on thofe who gave the Offence, but on all indifcrimi- 
nately of the fame Complexion, when an Opportunity offers. Reafons 
would be unnecefTarily urged in Support of what Experience proves^ 
and of which there have been feveral melancholy Examples on this 
Coaft. By a Privateer from Ne-w Tork, fome Years fmce, the firft Of- 
fence was given ; thofe who have gone fince have done nothing to mollify 
or abate this Enmity and Revenge. There could be no Expeftation 
of a Reconciliation with thefe Indians, to the great Improvement of 
Commerce in various Branches, but by the Meafures taken, the fendino- 
fome of his Majefty's Ships into thefe Parts to explore and get a Know- 
ledge of the Coaft ; and the Commanders to eftablifla a Reo-ulation, 
■which will be a Satisfaction and Encouragement to every fair Tinder; 
and where the Trade long fmce might have been brought to fome Per- 
fedion, had it not been from the little dirty Avarice of thofe employed 
by private Adventurers, who hindered the original Defign having a due 
Effeft ; and by interfering the one with the other, to their m.utual Pre- 
judice, they prevented thofe Returns on their Voyages which might have 
been otherwife made. The Confequence was, all future Attempts Vv^ere 
dropt, and it was indeed rendered almoft impofTible that any frefli Un- 
dertakings ftiould meet with Succefs, by the Difficulties flung in the 
Way on Account of the Natives, but which will now be effeftually re- 
moved by the Government giving their Affiftance. 

The next Morning three t'eople were fent from the Schooner to go on 
the Heights, to difcover 'the Water the E/kmaux had gone into, and ta 


( 152 ) 

fee if the iLJkemanx were coming. The Account brought back was, 
that there was f^^^en an Indian trading Boat or Shallop under Sail, which 
prekntly tacked and ftood towards four other Shallops. They all low- 
ered Sail, and the EJkcmaux fecmed to be confulting together. Soon 
after the People faw the Snov/'s Longboat coming, the Shallops hoillcd 
S;il, then went one Canoe, afterwards two more, to the Snow's Long- 
boat, while tl>e Shallops crouded away. The Schooner's People, after 
this Time^ had no Opportunity of feeing the Ejkemanx ; and attributed 
their coming no more to their Fear of meeting the Longboat, or the 
bad Weather, it being wet and bluftcring for the feveral fucceeding 
Days. But they learned, after the Schooner had returned to Philadelphia^ 
that thole in the Snow's Longboat followed the Shallops, came up with 
them, and took what they had. The Reaibn is apparent for their not 
comino- to the Schooner as they had no Trade, and as they might have 
a Sulpicion that the Schooner's People had a Connivance with thofe in 
the Boat, efpccially as they might fee the three People from the Schooner 
Handing on the Heights. 

The Commander fearched die Head of this Inlet, the Shores of which 
were the moft barren of any that had yet been feen, from the Sea to the 
Head of it, about nine Leagues. Upon their Return they found the 
Snow gone -, they then went through the Streight by which they faw the 
EJkemam pafs to explore that Water. From this the Difcoverer pafTed 
between Iflands, without going out to Sea into a fecond Inlet \ and from 
that to a thu-d from where he had met the Snow, and the feventh fromiVc/- 
hit\ Harbour. And the feventh or laft Inlet ran a North and Weflerly 
Courfe, and terminated tlie furtheft inland, or had the moft Weftern 
Longitude of any of the Inlets ; and its Head about fifteen Leagues 
from the Sea. 

Thefe laft three Inlets to Seaward are feparated by very large Iflands, 
and have Iflands lying off direftly athwart their Entrance, fo that it is 
difficult to difcover, when within thefe Iflands, that there is any Outlet to 
the Sea. The Iflands have little Wood on them, and are moftly barren 
Rock ; but the main Land much as in the other Parts, only the Inland 
more level. The blue Ridge of Mountains appeared plainer than from 
any other Part. The Latitude of the furtheft Inlet about s^. 


( K'3 ) 

Having explored thefe refpeftive Waters and adjacent Country, and 
Davis's Inlet, confequently, though it is difficult to which properly to 
affix the Name; and the Autumn being far advanced, as was apparent 
from the Birch Leaves becdming yellow, fhe Berries Froft-bit, the Pines 
and Spruce turning brown, fevere Gales, Snow and Sleet at times, and 
exceffive cold- on the high Land; fo as nothing further could be carried 
on with any Spirit, but exceffive Fatigue, and the Health of the People, 
as well preferved as on firft fetting out, would be now impaired, with. 
no certain Profpedt of doing any Thing further that was material, fuf- 
ficient Harbours having been found; on the 20th of Se^pfeml^er they fet 
out on their Return.' 

Leaving the Land favoured with pleafant Weather, an Opportunity 
waited for to make an accurate Survey of the Fifhing Bank, and to find 
the Diftance it.layfrom the Land, which from the Soundings on making 
the Land, the feeing the Wands of lee aground, and the Account of 
Davis, was known tia be there, and named by him JValfmgham'sBznk^ 
after the true Patriot and generous Patron of a Difcovery of a North- 
weft Paflage. Sounding about a League from Land, with one Hundred 
and fifty Fathom of Line, had no Ground. At about fix Leagues from 
Land, twenty-five Fathoms afterwards various Soundings, and catched 
a great many Cod, large and full fed, reckoned by the People aboard. 
to be very extraordinar)- Filh, fome of whom from Bojion followed the 
Employ of fifliing for Cod. The Bank was concluded to be about nine- 
Leagues broad, and ninety Fathom Soundings on the going off it, on. 
the Eaftern Side ; and it was concluded, on a pretty good Affij ranee, 
that it reaches from Lat. 57 to Lat. 54, if not further; but the Wea- 
ther proving boifterous, as they ran to the Southward, could not con- 
tinue their Soundings. 

The Schooner founded with a Hundred and fifty Fathom of Line,, 
clofe by an Ifiand of Ice, of a furprifing Magnitude, between the Bank, 
and the Shore, which was aground, and they did not get Soundings. 

F I N i S». 


Page I ■;. L. 23^ de Fuentes. The, read de Fuentcs, the. 
44. L. II. de Fonte's, r^^i^ de Fonte's Account. 

. 45. L. 36. Don Ronquillo, read Don PennelolTa. 

.49. L. 18. from, read in. 

54. L. II . to the Southward, read to the Northward. 

61. L. 15. it, r(?«i this Miffion. 

67. L. 29. as that worthy, read that worthy. 

82. L. 6. Nev/ Spain, re^i Florida. 
L. 9. Florida, read Peruan Part. 

83. L. 28. is confiftent, r^'^i^ is not confiftent. 

90. L. 17. Rivers and Harbours, rf«^ River and Harbour, 

106. L. 32. in the Year 1746, read until the Year 1745. 

1 1 1 . L. 6. between the Sea, read the Ocean and the Sea. 

1 3 6. L. 14. nigh Summit, rf«^ high Summit. 

DIRECTIONS for placing the MAP S. 

Map of de Fonte's Difcoveries, in Front. 

Map of iVfw:6^a/;2, from Tcrquemada, Page 86. 

Map of ;the Difcoveries in Hudfon's Bay, Page 122. 

Juft publifhed, in Q^u a r t o. 

Very proper to be bound with this Book,' 



Made by the Rujfians for completing the Difcoveries of the North- 
weft Coaft of America. Trandated from the High Dutch of M, 
M U L L E R, of the Royal Academy of Peterjburgh. lUuftrated 
with Maps. The Second Edition. 



with the Countries adjacent. 
Illuftrated with Maps and Cuts. Publifhed at Peterjhiirgh in the Ruf- 

Jian Language, by Order of her Imperial Majefty; and tranflated 

into Englijf} by J A M E S G R I E V E, M. D. 

"f- >